Ibogaine

Underground ibogaine use for the treatment of substance use disorders: A qualitative analysis of subjective experiences

This interview study (n=13) explores the subjective experience of those seeking out ibogaine treatment for addictions. The themes focus on psychological effects such as transpersonal experiences, autobiographical memories, and personal insights.

Authors

  • José Carlos Bouso
  • Rafael Guimarães dos Santos

Published

Drug and Alcohol Review
individual Study

Abstract

Introduction: Ibogaine is one of the alkaloids naturally found in plants such as Tabernanthe iboga, which has been traditionally used by members of the Bwiti culture. Since the discovery of its anti-addictive properties by Howard S. Lotsof in 1962, ibogaine has been used experimentally to treat substance use disorders (SUD), especially those involving opioids. We aim to provide a detailed understanding of the underlying psychological aspects of underground ibogaine use for the treatment of SUD.Methods: Semi-structured interviews were carried out with 13 participants with SUD, which motivated their self-treatment with ibogaine. The data were analysed using the grounded theory approach and considered the context of the treatment, and the nature of the occurring hallucinogenic and cognitive phenomena during the treatment experience.Results: We identified several psychological effects that the study respondents experienced, which seem to play a substantial role in the therapeutic process concerning SUD. The evoking of interpersonal and transpersonal experiences, autobiographical memories, and preparation, integration and motivation for a lifestyle change are important components that participants reported during and after ibogaine intake.Discussion and conclusion: Ibogaine is increasingly being used for the treatment of SUD, due in part to the limited treatment options currently available. Its beneficial effects seem to be related not only to its complex pharmacology but also to the subjective experience that ibogaine induces. The main aspects of this experience are related to autobiographical memories and valuable personal insights, which together appear to help individuals cope with their SUD.

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Research Summary of 'Underground ibogaine use for the treatment of substance use disorders: A qualitative analysis of subjective experiences'

Introduction

Ibogaine is an indole alkaloid present in plants used traditionally by the Bwiti culture and, since the 1960s, has been applied experimentally to treat substance use disorders (SUD), particularly opioid, alcohol and stimulant dependence. Earlier work suggests a multi-target pharmacology (including modulation of opioid, nicotinic and glutamate receptors and induction of neurotrophic factors) that may reduce withdrawal and cravings, but limited research has also pointed to substantial psychological and subjective effects — autobiographical recall, transpersonal visions and meaningful insights — that could contribute to therapeutic benefit. A debate exists in the field over whether altered subjective experience is necessary for clinical benefit from hallucinogens or whether pharmacological actions alone suffice. This study aims to explore underground (non‑medical or non‑official) ibogaine use for SUD from the perspective of people who self‑treated with the compound. Rodríguez‑Cano and colleagues set out to characterise the acute subjective psychological effects that participants experienced, to identify psychological processes (for example autobiographical recall, abreactive processes and transpersonal experiences) that may be relevant to recovery, and to document physical adverse effects, after‑effects on substance use and factors (such as motivation and aftercare) that participants judged important for longer‑term outcomes. The authors argue that subjective effects are an important component of ibogaine's therapeutic potential but that motivation and supportive aftercare determine lasting change.

Methods

The researchers conducted semi‑structured, individual interviews with 13 participants who had used ibogaine and whose primary or comorbid motivation for treatment included a substance use disorder; two participants had used ibogaine primarily for anxiety or depression but reported substance‑related issues. Recruitment occurred via the International Center for Ethnobotanical Education, Research and Service network and social media, yielding an international sample (Armenia, Canada, Mexico, Russia, South Africa, the United States and the United Kingdom). Interviews took place between February and April 2016, mostly via audio‑only Skype calls, and averaged 117.7 minutes. Ten respondents were interviewed within three months of their last high‑dose experience; three were interviewed one year or more after their last high dose. All participants gave informed consent and anonymity was ensured by randomised ID numbers; the Ethics Committee of Universidad Autónoma de Madrid approved the study. Data analysis used a grounded theory approach carried out by three researchers (Rodríguez‑Cano, Maja Kohek and Genís Ona). Open coding labelled semantically similar segments with multi‑word codes, followed by review and categorisation into major themes and unusual events. Physical, cognitive and emotional aspects of the experiences were compared across the dataset to derive three main categories of subjective psychological effects relevant to SUD treatment: an abreactive process, autobiographical and interpersonal experiences, and transpersonal experiences. The investigators also quantified several somatic outcomes reported by respondents (nausea, vomiting, arrhythmia, withdrawal symptom reduction, cravings, and reductions or cessations of substance use), and recorded whether participants would take ibogaine again and whether they characterised the overall experience as pleasant or unpleasant. Where dosing or compound details were unclear due to clandestine settings, the authors noted this limitation and did not claim precise dose data for most participants. The interviews combined a structured checklist of effects drawn from the literature with an unstructured section allowing participants to narrate their experiences in their own words, and transcripts were produced manually by one researcher.

Results

The sample comprised 13 participants (nine males, four females) aged 23–50 years (mean 37, SD 7.7). Educational attainment ranged from high school (n = 5) to undergraduate (n = 4) and university graduate (n = 4). Ibogaine was consumed in varied settings: at home (n = 6), in ibogaine clinics (n = 4), in rented motel rooms (n = 2) and in a truck (n = 1). Five participants obtained ibogaine via work contacts, four sourced it from the internet or friends, and clinics provided it in the remaining cases. Participants reported experiencing acute effects for a mean of 46 hours (SD 30.41). Acute physical effects were common. Most respondents experienced nausea; a minority vomited and only two reported no nausea. One participant reported prolonged intense vomiting that required antiemetic medication. Cardiovascular signs such as accelerated heartbeat and raised blood pressure were reported and typically resolved during the session. One respondent required hospitalisation for arrhythmia and seizures, an event she attributed to a high dose combined with poor baseline health. On the psychological level, participants described a characteristic ‘‘waking dream’’ involving vivid autobiographical imagery, processing of personal and interpersonal issues, and transpersonal or mystical visions. The investigators identified three interrelated psychological domains. Autobiographical and interpersonal experiences involved revisiting memories and relationships, leading to insights about how substance use developed and how it affected self and others; several participants described shifts from guilt and worthlessness to forgiveness and self‑acceptance. The abreactive process — a cathartic release of intense emotions — commonly featured surrendering to fear, after which distressing imagery abated and more positive, often archetypal or visionary content followed. Transpersonal experiences included mystical feelings of oneness, encounters with archetypal beings, travel through time or space, and spiritual or cosmological visions; many participants reported these as profoundly meaningful and associated with optimistic shifts in life perspective and coping capacity. Regarding after‑effects related to SUD outcomes, ibogaine's pharmacological action reportedly reduced or abolished withdrawal symptoms in eight participants treated for opioid use disorder. Cravings were reported eliminated in 11 of the 13 respondents, though cravings commonly resurfaced days or weeks later for most. Participants described a sense of cognitive restructuring or a ‘‘subconscious reset’’ that opened the possibility of lifestyle change, but emphasised that these subjective insights alone did not guarantee sustained abstinence. Prior treatment attempts were common: six participants had tried approaches including 12‑step programmes, buprenorphine, benzodiazepines or methadone maintenance, with limited success. Ten participants stated they would take ibogaine again for therapeutic reasons; three declined due to the intensity and difficulty of the experience. Overall, respondents characterised the bodily experience as physically exhausting or taxing, the psychological experience as ranging from harrowing to transcendent, and the spiritual component as valuable and humbling.

Discussion

Rodríguez‑Cano and colleagues interpret their findings within a biopsychosocial framework for SUD, arguing that both ibogaine's pharmacology and its subjective, hallucinogenic effects plausibly contribute to therapeutic outcomes. The study participants' frequent reports of autobiographical recall, abreactive emotional release and transpersonal or mystical experiences are presented as psychological processes that can catalyse new patterns of thought, feeling and behaviour, and thereby support abstinence for months after administration. The authors situate these observations alongside previous qualitative work on ibogaine and comparable findings from other classic hallucinogens (for example psilocybin and ayahuasca), which also report meaningful, often mystical, experiences that foster connectedness, creativity and self‑reflection. Safety risks are emphasised: challenging psychological reactions (paranoia, anxiety, panic) occurred in five respondents, and one participant experienced a life‑threatening physical event requiring hospital care. Cardiotoxicity and other adverse effects cited in the interviews underline the authors' view that administration in controlled medical settings would better protect participants and provide environments conducive to integration and psychosocial aftercare. The investigators note that ‘‘flood’’ high doses (visionary doses) are commonly used to achieve initial benefit but carry greater safety risks; they report that a flood dose is often considered to be 800–1000 mg in human studies, while occasional low or threshold boosters (reported as 1–5 mg/kg) are used by some to prolong effects, although there is no consensus on optimal dosing. The authors acknowledge several limitations: clandestine use prevented reliable dose documentation; heterogeneous settings and international, culturally diverse respondents make it difficult to generalise findings to clinical practice; volunteer and researcher–participant bias likely skewed the sample toward favourable accounts; and the study was focused on relatively short‑term subjective effects, limiting inference about long‑term abstinence — only three participants had been SUD‑free for several years. The paper also notes ongoing work, including a clinical trial (NCT04003948) evaluating safety and efficacy of repeated low doses in methadone dependence, which the authors suggest may clarify the role of subjective effects and safer dosing strategies. Overall, the investigators conclude that while ibogaine can acutely reduce withdrawal and cravings and often provokes psychologically meaningful experiences that participants find therapeutic, enduring recovery depends on personal motivation, integration work and psychosocial support rather than on ibogaine administration alone.

Conclusion

The authors conclude that ibogaine's anti‑addictive potential appears to derive from both its complex pharmacology and the subjective experiences it elicits, particularly autobiographical recall and personal insights that help individuals confront the origins and consequences of their substance use. Given the perceived limitations of conventional treatments for some people with SUD, participants viewed ibogaine as a valuable alternative, but the authors stress the need for further controlled research to evaluate efficacy, safety and the role of subjective experience in sustained recovery.

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| INTRODUCTION

Ibogaine is one of the alkaloids naturally found in plants of the Apocynaceae family, such as Tabernanthe iboga and Voacanga africana. Those plants have been traditionally used by members of the Bwiti culture in African countries such as Gabon and Cameroon for their stimulant and medicinal properties, as well as in visionary rituals. Since the discovery through self-experimentation by Howard S. Lotsof in 1962 of its anti-addictive properties and its ability to suppress withdrawal symptoms, ibogaine has been used mostly in uncontrolled settings as a means to treat substance use disorders (SUD), especially those involving opioids, alcohol and stimulants. These treatments are offered in all kind of contexts, ranging from well-established therapy clinics in countries where such activities are permitted, to motel rooms, where Internet-sourced ibogaine products are consumed. This wide spectrum of contexts exists due to the unregulated nature of these treatments. The reasons why people seek out these treatments are probably related to several factors, which can range from lack of efficacy of available treatments to personal identification with the ibogaine/ psychedelic subculture. The mechanisms of action through which ibogaine exerts its anti-addictive effects are not yet clear, although it is evident that a multi-target modulation of different relevant targets for SUDs is involved. For instance, ibogaine and its main metabolite noribogaine modulate opioid, nicotinic and glutamate receptors and induce the expression of neurotrophic factors. In addition to pharmacological mechanisms, the psychological effects and subjective experiences of ibogaine seem to play a central role in its anti-addictive effects. Ibogaine may provide certain meaningful insights, such as showing someone the reasons that led to SUD and helping them come to terms with their own mortality which may offer immense relief and self-acceptance. The relevance of these psychological aspects to the therapeutic effects of other hallucinogens is not yet clear and is currently being investigated. Notably, there is a current debate among researchers. Some believe that the subjective effects of hallucinogens, which are the meaningful experiences and interpretations of the emotional and cognitive impacts, are necessary to receive therapeutic benefits. On the other hand, there are others who suggest that altered perception is not required to elicit a therapeutic response. In the case of ibogaine, limited research on subjective experiences suggests its capacity for healing and long-term positive psychological effects are distinct from its pharmacological actions associated with reduced withdrawal symptoms and cravings. Evidence suggests that a single ibogaine treatment can effectively reduce withdrawal symptoms and achieve sustained reduction or cessation of substance use in dependent individuals for several months after the initial treatment. However, the intake of ibogaine alone does not guarantee success in treating SUD. It seems that besides ibogaine's pharmacological action, the oneiric or dreamlike state generates important insights with significant personal meaning that help the individual to overcome substance use. Abstinence is sometimes supported by administrating repeated low doses of ibogaine, while personal motivation and appropriate after-care (e.g., psychosocial support) are paramount for ongoing change. The aim of this manuscript is to explore underground (clandestine/non-medical or medical but not having official recognition as a medical treatment) ibogaine use for the treatment of SUDs. It will provide an understanding of the underlying psychological aspects of treatment and its effects on SUD from the perspective of people who took it at least once in their life. We argue that the subjective effects play a substantial role in the success of ibogaine treatment when used for SUD. However, personal motivation and a supportive environment will play a decisive role in its long-term effects.

| SAMPLE

Semi-structured interviews focused on the subjective acute effects of ibogaine were conducted among 13 participants who were eligible due to: (i) the presence of a SUD as the main motivator for the ibogaine treatment (11 participants); or (ii) the presence of comorbid SUD that was not the main reason for ibogaine intake (2 participants). Two participants (3547 and 4355) did not take ibogaine for treating SUD, but were curious to see how it would influence their substance use. They reported (social) anxiety and depression as the main reasons for being treated. Our priority was to interview individuals who had recently taken ibogaine and still had a fresh memory of the experience. For that, we included people from different parts of the world. Ten respondents were interviewed a maximum of 3 months after their last use of ibogaine. The remaining three (6520, 3710 and 3393) were interviewed 1 year or more after their last high dose (whereby noticeable acute effects were experienced). Study participants were recruited through the network of the International Center for Ethnobotanical Education, Research and Service, which has established collaborations with several ibogaine providers and organisations, such as the Global Ibogaine Therapy Alliance, and via social media, resulting in an international and multicultural sample (including participants from Armenia, Canada, Mexico, Russia, South Africa, the United States and the United Kingdom).

| PROCEDURE

The interviews were conducted individually from February 2016 to April 2016, mostly by using Skype to perform audio-exclusive calls due to the geographical distances between the interviewers and the study participants. In the first part of the interview, we listed a number of potential effects reported in the existing literature and asked the participants if they experienced any of them. The second part of the interview was unstructured and gave the participants the opportunity to describe their experiences in their own words. Each interview lasted an average of 117.7 min and were manually transcribed by one of the researchers (Maja Kohek). All respondents signed an informed consent declaration prior to the interview, in which they were notified that the conversation would be voice recorded and that their identity would be kept anonymous by assigning them a randomised, computer-generated ID number. The Ethics Committee of Universidad Aut onoma de Madrid (Spain) approved this study. The data were analysed by three researchers with paper and pen (Borja J. Rodríguez-Cano, Maja Kohek and Genís Ona) using a grounded theory approach. Open coding was done by labelling semantically similar information and themes. We used multiple-word codes that work independently from the data and represent the information on their own. After reviewing and comparing the open codes with our data set, we categorised them by selecting the most common major themes and unusual events. The authors of the present paper discussed, reviewed and considered the physical, cognitive and emotional aspects of the experience. These were then compared again to our data set. Lastly, three main categories of subjective psychological effects were developed, which appear relevant in the treatment of SUD from the perspective of the respondents (the abreactive process and autobiographical, interpersonal and transpersonal experiences). Furthermore, physical effects and aftereffects were taken into consideration. We quantified the number of respondents who experienced nausea, vomiting, arrhythmia, withdrawal symptoms, cravings and reduction or cessation of substance use. We also noted the number of respondents who wished to take it again and described the overall experience as either pleasant or unpleasant.

| RESULTS

The sample consisted of nine males and four females, with ages ranging between 23 and 50 years (mean age = 37; SD = 7.7). The education level of the study sample ranged from high school graduates (n = 5) to undergraduates (n = 4) and university graduates (n = 4) (see Table). Ibogaine was consumed at the respondents' homes in six cases, in an ibogaine clinic in four cases, in a rented motel room in two cases and in a truck in one case. Ibogaine was provided to the participants by the private clinic where they had the treatment. Five participants worked with ibogaine and had it readily available. The remaining four sourced it from the internet or a friend. The acute effects of ibogaine were experienced for 46 h on average (SD 30.41).

| ACUTE PHYSICAL EFFECTS OF IBOGAINE

Most respondents reported experiencing nausea, a few vomited and only two participants reported not experiencing these symptoms. One person (1983) reported intense vomiting for a longer period of time which was probably caused by ibogaine. This episode eventually stopped after receiving antiemetic medication. Other physical discomforts reported by the participants were mainly related to accelerated heartbeat and increased blood pressure. In most cases, these adverse effects disappeared later on in the experience. One participant was admitted to the hospital due to arrhythmia and seizures. She believed that the hospitalisation was due to poor health in combination with the high dose of ibogaine (Figure).

| ACUTE PSYCHOLOGICAL EFFECTS OF IBOGAINE

On a psychological level, ibogaine appears to facilitate remembrance, insights, empathy for oneself and others, and it also stimulates social cognition by processing past social situations with a new perspective. Most respondents described the acute effects of ibogaine as a waking dream in which they would experience autobiographical topics, resolve personal issues to gain new insights and hope for the future, and/or transpersonal visions that facilitate a feeling of oneness and interconnectedness. Approximately half of the respondents reported not being able to influence these visions, while others reported having some agency and an ability to change what was shown to them. The majority of the participants reported feeling protected even when experiencing unpleasant imagery. Five reported experiencing some sort of mental confusion, paranoia or anxiety during the experience (Figure). T A B L E 1 Demographic information of the respondents, the dose of ibogaine administered, the substances they developed a substance use disorder to, time being abstinent before the intake of ibogaine and the outcome of the ibogaine treatment for SUD

| AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL AND INTERPERSONAL EXPERIENCES

We identified several psychological effects that most of the study respondents experienced, and which seem to play a substantial role in the therapeutic process concerning SUDs. The ibogaine experience, as usually happens with hallucinogenic experiences, triggered key topics related to the person's life, which appeared to help them attain insight into memories and their relationships with other people. Reviewing autobiographical memories and interpersonal experiences was among the main components reported during intake of ibogaine. The imagery or visions induced by ibogaine can lead to an understanding of how and why the SUD developed in the first place, and can lead to the realisation of how such behaviour is affecting oneself and others. Feelings of guilt and worthlessness were substituted with forgiveness, gratitude, self-love and a sense of reconciliation with oneself and others. "I am 50 so attention deficit wasn't even something people talked about when I was at school. They just called it shitty kid syndrome. "I felt like I suddenly had choice about cigarettes, I had been drawn to abusive, misogynistic men and I felt like I could wake up to it. I was thinking to myself: that's stopped. I'm not going to do that again. I wouldn't say I entirely managed it, but definitely it was a big shift and change." (3393)

| ABREACTIVE PROCESS AND THE RESOLUTION OF PERSONAL ISSUES

The study participants reported experiencing surrender as a pivotal part of the therapeutic process. This was often accompanied by the realisation that their SUDs might have emerged as a way of resisting something, which could have been a traumatic event, a difficult relationship, or some sort of unresolved psychological, social or emotional issue. Those experiences emerged as specific conclusions to a continuum of feelings and life experiences, with that ultimate realisation being accompanied in several cases by some sort of imagery, sometimes hallucinogenic-archetypical, and usually related to their life events, or by dreamlike visions of possible events, which aided them in reaching those conclusions. In this state, they alternated between playing an actor and a spectator role in their experience, where, in the latter role, they were neutral and objective rather than experiencing strong emotions. Surrendering to the experience and dealing with the fear was key to moving forward through the experience. At the point when the person surrendered to the fear, the unpleasant imagery vanished and the experience moved into another phase. Respondents described this new phase as travelling or seeing the universe, meeting mythical or archetypal beings, getting insights about one's future and having other generally pleasant and insightful visions. "The only thing I could subjectively feel was fear and panic, yet part of me knew that they were meant to be part of the journey. I was not fearing for my life, but I was feeling the fear of death as never before. I was feeling all the fear I didn't let myself to fear every time I ingested an addictive substance or engaged in an addictive behaviour. […] I actually saw what appeared as a stream of light that was going inside a jug. The stream of light started to call me to come in the jug, yet I couldn't go in the jug because I was being held back by fear and shame and blame. […] I took the choice to surrender my fears and for the rest of the experience the fear, panic, and all the discomfort and remorse were gone. What I was experiencing instead was complete bliss, harmony, connection with every single living being. […] I saw peaceful deities, Mayan deities, Hindu deities. I saw myself transported to the centre of the universe and could see the plan the universe had for all the stars, for all the light beings, corporeal beings on different planets and different dimensions." (1983)

| TRANSPERSONAL EXPERIENCES

Hallucinogens commonly induce mystical or transpersonal experiences. These are often described as experiencing archetypes, visiting places on Earth in different historical or futuristic times (e.g., 1950s France, mountains, ancient civilisations), travelling through space, images of destruction and violence (e.g., pollution, wars), technology (e.g., robotics, space explorations), the natural and spirit world (e.g., evolution of life on earth, animals, the spirit of iboga or other entities) and other events. These experiences could help to modify psychopathologies (such as SUDs) and be a powerful catalyser for lasting personal change by promoting the emergence of new patterns of thoughts, feelings and behaviours, and fostering feelings of connectedness. "I started hearing monks chanting in the background. Every time symbols came up, even with my opened eyes. […] The chanting sounded very healing. [Then] I went to the past. I was shown the beginning of Islam and how it all begun. I was taken to somewhere in the Northern Europe (Ireland or England) in the Middle Ages. I was shown how women were mistreated by the church in that […] I was taken to probably South America. […] I was shown how these people were living in complete harmony with their spirituality and how they were using mushrooms to communicate with their spiritual side, the other beings. After that, it took me to one place, and it felt like oneness. A light and everything going into that light. It was glowing and the feeling was everything is one." (3710) In this stage of the ibogaine experience, participants would enter a state that was often described as pure bliss, as a reset or a cleansing, as if they lost a burden that prevented them from living life to the fullest. Many of them reported significant spiritual effects, such as experiencing the interconnectedness of everything, universal consciousness, a dissolution of the ego, gaining an understanding of how to improve their lives, (re)gaining an appreciation for life, enhancing the ability to cope with stressful events and experiencing heightened spiritual awareness.

| AFTER-EFFECTS IN REGARD TO SUD

As the effects of ibogaine gradually wore off, all of the respondents reported feeling good, peaceful and happy, even though they were physically and psychologically exhausted. Most of them stated they felt like a new person or gained new abilities and perspectives that helped them resolve problems in their lives. They also reported learning new things that they would have not been able to absorb otherwise, felt less absent-minded and had an experience of personal growth. Such cognitive restructuration is often accompanied by a sense of having a subconscious reset. This may open the door to a paradigm shift and the possibility of a new lifestyle leading to complete recovery. Pharmacological effects reduced or diminished withdrawal symptoms in the first hours after taking ibogaine for eight participants who took it to treat opioid use disorder (see Figure). Cravings were eliminated in 11 out of 13 respondents and eventually resurfaced days or weeks after the experience for the majority of the respondents (see Tableand Figure). The subjective experience helped them understand what led to SUD and made recovery and behavioural change accessible by fostering forgiveness for oneself. The participants reported they were active agents in their own healing process. They came to understand how their interactions with their environment needed to change, and started to see how this could become a reality (Figure). "It was a demonstration of the infinite potential and […] possibilities. I didn't know that I had those until afterwards. This was part of my personal integration process of observing and trying to reflect on the meaning of the visions." (6520) I G U R E 3 Reported after-effects related to experiencing cravings and/or reductions in withdrawal syndrome symptoms.

| PERSONAL EXPERIENCES OF PREVIOUS SUD THERAPY AND THE ROLE OF PERSONAL MOTIVATION

Six participants in our study reported having tried different methods to overcome SUD before ibogaine, such as the 12-step program and pharmaceutical interventions such as buprenorphine, benzodiazepines and methadone (as part of a methadone maintenance program). One person was substituting opioids with kratom (Mitragyna speciosa), a plant known to produce opioid and stimulant-like effects. These treatments were only partially beneficial for the study participants and failed to effectively address their SUD. In one personal account (3547), a pharmaceutical intervention was given by a specialist in the field of SUDs. It consisted of a combination of buprenorphine and the antidepressant selegiline, which belongs to the phenethylamine and amphetamine chemical families and is a selective and irreversible inhibitor of the monoamine oxidase enzyme. This caused the participant's mental health and overall quality of life to worsen. The participant then abandoned the treatment after 6 months and went back to heroin. For the majority of our study respondents, dissatisfaction with conventional treatment modalities and the desire for abstinence were the main reasons for turning to ibogaine. Most respondents emphasised that ibogaine helped them gain insights on the origins and development of SUD, and reflect on their life choices, relationships and life purpose. However, these realisations were temporary for most of them. While some supported prolonged effects while taking boosters (low doses of ibogaine), integration, psychotherapy and personal motivation were key factors toward complete recovery. In this sense, the role of ibogaine becomes rather circumstantial in the process of recovering from SUD. "After my first ibogaine experience, I was good for a week or two. I was a lot younger. I don't think I was ready to check-off drug use, although I wanted to. My second experience was a bit better, but I didn't know about aftercare. I was given boosters, but I didn't use them like I should have. Both are very important: the boosters and after-care. The third time it was not the best setting. I did after-care, I didn't use the boosters. After all these experiences, now I'm actually working on improving myself. I'm doing after-care […] like at a therapist, just talk to people. I go to NA meetings, but I don't really support the 12 steps programs. I think it's good to get away for an hour, but I don't think it can help. […] The acute phase will change you, but you have to do the work. I definitely got something out of my first three experiences, but I didn't do the work, so I went back to my drug use." (9903) The overall experience was described as a mixture of pleasant and unpleasant, difficult, life-changing, rewarding or otherworldly. Most participants reported that the psychical experience was exhausting, terrible and took a major toll on the body. They most commonly reported the psychological experience as ranging between difficult/ harrowing and fantastic/very pleasant. The spiritual experience was described as valuable, enlightening and humbling. Ten participants stated that they would take ibogaine again due to the therapeutic insights it offered and the benefits they got from it. Three respondents reported not wanting to take ibogaine again due to the intensity of the experience, which they perceived as difficult and uncomfortable. One participant described it as like she 'was going F I G U R E 4 Most commonly reported overall experience by the respondents. to climb mount Everest but had never trained, like [she] was doing a marathon but never jogged' (1862). Another participant (3393) said that once is enough. The third participant (6520) hopes to not have SUD so she would not need to do ibogaine again. However, all of them still reported the experience was beneficial.

| DISCUSSION

SUDs are the result of a complex interplay of biological, social, environmental, psychological and other factors. The broadest and most comprehensive way to understand SUD is the explanatory model that considers the biological, psychological and social components of SUD instead of focusing on pharmacological or biological aspects alone. Although it lacks strong scientific support and its implementation is often hampered by coexisting comorbidities and/or public policies, a biopsychosocial approach is also applied in a variety of treatment modalities. This approach includes behavioural therapy, constructive positive coping mechanisms, general social support, self-care, self-help groups, etc.. In the case of opioid use disorder (OUD), the most frequently used treatments include long-term opioid agonist therapies and symptomatic interventions based on substitution approaches with buprenorphine and methadone. These treatments are relatively effective in reducing OUDassociated harms, but their application is limited in scope, especially for those who want to disengage from substance use altogether. Ibogaine may be a viable option because it may lessen withdrawal symptoms and/or cravings for those in these situations and for whom conventional treatment has been unsuccessful. The compound's hallucinogenic effects may promote a beneficial psychotherapy-like process that can support abstinence for several months after ibogaine administration. It has been proposed in previous studies that the subjective effects (experiential understanding and interpretation of the emotional and cognitive impacts) produced by ibogaine can play a significant role in treating SUD beyond the purely pharmacological action of the molecule that reduces cravings and withdrawal symptoms. Both ibogaine's multi-target profileand its hallucinogenic properties should be considered in its overall anti-addictive effects. As seen in the present study, people who use ibogaine to treat a SUD tend to experience visions, emotions and cognitions about their behavioural patterns, their causes and consequences, and often about the maintaining factors. The most frequently recurring topics are autobiographical memories, abreactive processes, and transpersonal or spiritual experiences, which facilitate self-reflection on various aspects of the individual's life. Similar experiences have also been reported in other published qualitative analyses. Lotsof and Alexander stated that ibogaine's positive effect on drug use and interpersonal functioning seems to centre on the integration of these experiences and their transformation into a shift in behavioural and cognitive patterns. The psychological insights facilitated by ibogaine, as described in our sample as well as previous research, enable participants to review specific conflicting psychological issues or maladaptive patterns, thereby strengthening the therapeutic process. These effects have been also described as fundamental to assisted psychotherapies involving hallucinogens, such as psilocybin or ayahuasca. Furthermore, observational studies suggest that hallucinogens can induce mystical or transpersonal experiences. These experiences seem to foster altruism, creativity and profound feelings of connectedness which can be beneficial for the individual seeking treatment for SUDs. The hallucinogenic effects of ibogaine can sometimes result in challenging mental experiences and cause a panic attack, anxiety crisis or another acute adverse event particularly in people with pre-existing mental disorders, as is the case with other hallucinogens. In some cases, hallucinogenic substances, including ibogaine, can also trigger psychotic or bipolar breaks. Moreover, ibogaine has been associated with other physical adverse events, including ataxia, muscle tension, weakness, nausea and vomiting, among others. Five participants in our study reported experiencing acute paranoia, anxiety and mental confusion. One person experienced life-threatening physical effects that required hospitalisation. While none of them suffered long-term adverse effects from the ibogaine, these risks imply a need to offer this treatment in controlled settings. This would not only ensure the safety of participants and facilitators, but also offer a comfortable space where integrative work can be done with qualified professionals to achieve treatment success. According to the experiences of our study participants, the hallucinogenic effects gave them a sense of agency and the chance to break the cycle of substance use by reducing or eliminating withdrawal symptoms and cravings and facilitating psychological insights. This did not, however, guarantee long-term therapy effectiveness on its own. Participants in the study concluded that only individual motivation for lifestyle modifications, psychosocial support and opportunities in life can lead to enduring change. In this regard, ibogaine acts as an effective means to attain abstinence. However, its effects diminish over time and have to be maintained by diligent work on oneself, which may be supported by taking a threshold/low dose of ibogaine (1-5 mg/kg) on occasion. Administering high doses of ibogaine (commonly known as 'flood doses') that are highly visionaryare believed to be necessary to achieve benefits from the initial treatment, but also increase the risk for severe adverse events. There is no scientific consensus on what a typical high dose of ibogaine is. However, a flood dose of ibogaine is usually between 800 and 1000 mg according to human studies. For this reason, our research group is currently conducting a clinical trial (NCT04003948) to evaluate the efficacy and safety of low repeated doses of ibogaine in the treatment of methadone dependence. This research may also provide valuable insight on the role of the subjective effects in the therapeutic process. The influence of the subjective effects on hallucinogens' overall therapeutic benefits is a heated debate in the field currently. The main limitation of this study is that, given the clandestine settings in which most of our respondents used ibogaine, it was not possible to collect information regarding the exact doses they took. It is therefore challenging to generalise our results to clinical practice. In addition, the settings differed between most of the participants, and setting conditions can modulate the experience and the outcome. On the other hand, our study offers greater ecological validity than clinical trials, since it reports what actually happens in real life, where different settings, compounds (hydrochloride/extracts) and medical conditions occur. Furthermore, our study brings attention to a difficult reality: because of the legal status of ibogaine in some countries, some participants involve themselves in highly risky para-medical situations in order to overcome their SUDs. Some countries, like New Zealand and South Africa, have recently legalised ibogaine as a prescription medicine precisely as a harm reduction strategy. The second major limitation is related to the researcher/participant bias. We tried to reduce bias by asking the participants to talk freely about their experience in complete confidentiality to prevent them from simply agreeing or disagreeing to our questions. Another step to reduce bias was to reflect on the data analysis process and discuss it with the co-authors of the manuscript. However, the individuals who volunteered to participate in our study had generally positive attitudes toward ibogaine. The question still remains as to how the individuals who had negative experiences would describe it. Another limitation is the international sample and cultural diversity of the respondents. Individuals from different countries and cultural backgrounds participated in the study. How culture-specific their responses were remains unknown. It is also possible we would obtain different results if we only assessed individuals from one country. Our team is currently working on another study to assess acute subjective effects on a larger sample of people. This may give us some insight as to how culture affects these experiences. Finally, long-term success of ibogaine treatment for SUD is impossible to determine from our study. This is because our goal was to assess the respondents' subjective effects shortly after they took ibogaine while their memory of the experience was still relatively fresh. Only three people in our study had been SUD-free for several years.

| CONCLUSION

Ibogaine is increasingly being used for the treatment of SUD. Its anti-addictive effects seem to be related not only to its complex pharmacology but also the subjective experience it induces. The main aspects of this experience seem to be related to memories of the past and valuable personal insights, which together help individuals to confront their SUD in a more comprehensive way. Participants in our sample also pointed out the inefficacy and limited scope of the currently available treatment options for SUD, while viewing ibogaine treatment as a valuable alternative. In the coming years, thanks to renewed interest in this substance, we will be able to further evaluate this potential treatment for SUD, which several patients and families are urgently in need of.

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