Tripping on nothing: placebo psychedelics and contextual factors
This placebo-only study (n=33) found that by creating a highly psychedelic-like setting (including actors), a majority of participants believed they felt some drug effects.
Authors
- Lifshitz, M.
- Olson, J. A.
- Raz, A.
Published
Abstract
Rationale Is it possible to have a psychedelic experience from a placebo alone? Most psychedelic studies find few effects in the placebo control group, yet these effects may have been obscured by the study design, setting, or analysis decisions.Objective We examined individual variation in placebo effects in a naturalistic environment resembling a typical psychedelic party.Methods Thirty-three students completed a single-arm study ostensibly examining how a psychedelic drug affects creativity. The 4-h study took place in a group setting with music, paintings, coloured lights, and visual projections. Participants consumed a placebo that we described as a drug resembling psilocybin, which is found in psychedelic mushrooms. To boost expectations, confederates subtly acted out the stated effects of the drug and participants were led to believe that there was no placebo control group. The participants later completed the 5-Dimensional Altered States of Consciousness Rating Scale, which measures changes in conscious experience.Results There was considerable individual variation in the placebo effects; many participants reported no changes while others showed effects with magnitudes typically associated with moderate or high doses of psilocybin. In addition, the majority (61%) of participants verbally reported some effect of the drug. Several stated that they saw the paintings on the walls “move” or “reshape” themselves, others felt “heavy… as if gravity [had] a stronger hold”, and one had a “come down” before another “wave” hit her.Conclusion Understanding how context and expectations promote psychedelic-like effects, even without the drug, will help researchers to isolate drug effects and clinicians to maximise their therapeutic potential.
Research Summary of 'Tripping on nothing: placebo psychedelics and contextual factors'
Introduction
Psychedelic experiences are shaped not only by pharmacology but also by non-pharmacological factors such as mindset, expectations, and environment (the so-called "set and setting"). Olson and colleagues note that although placebo effects occur across many domains, placebo arms in psychedelic research have generally shown few effects, which may reflect laboratory settings, study design choices, or analytic practices that obscure individual responses. The authors draw attention to the phenomenon of "contact highs"—drug-like effects experienced without ingestion, reported in naturalistic groups—and argue that such effects have been little studied despite plausible mechanisms including classical conditioning, social modelling, and emotional contagion. This feasibility study set out to test whether a placebo could produce psychedelic-like subjective experiences when delivered in a naturalistic, party-like context with strong expectation manipulations and social modelling. Specifically, the investigators hypothesised that at least some participants would report alterations in consciousness after ingesting an inert capsule that they were led to believe contained a fast-acting psilocybin analogue, and they emphasised examining individual variation rather than group averages.
Methods
The study recruited university students via social media for what was presented as research on a psychoactive drug's effects on creativity. After phone screening to confirm student status and absence of physical or mental health issues, 33 participants attended two evening sessions (sample 1 n = 16; sample 2 n = 17). Mean age was 21.7 years (SD = 3.4) and 18 were men. The protocol excluded psychology students at the host institution; an initial attempt to exclude prior psychedelic users was abandoned for the second sample after some participants concealed past use. Institutional review board approval was obtained. To maximise credibility and expectations, the experiment used an elaborate deception procedure. Participants met at the institute lobby, received wristbands and name tags, and were escorted to a dimly lit room arranged like a psychedelic party: coloured lights, psychedelic paintings with subtle illusions, ambient music played by a DJ, film projections with vivid visuals, cushions, drawing materials, snacks, and multiple researchers in lab coats. Confederates (6–7 per sample) embedded in the group were instructed to subtly model and then amplify drug-like effects. A psychiatrist and numerous staff contributed to the appearance of a legitimate multi-site study. Each participant individually received a size 0 pink capsule filled with microcrystalline cellulose, described as "iprocin," a psilocybin homologue. Dosage and expected effects (mood, hallucinations, sensory changes, etc.) had been conveyed during screening and briefing. Physiological feedback was manipulated: a baseline heart rate and blood pressure reading was read aloud 10 units lower than actual, and a later reading was increased by 10 units to imply drug-induced change. Interactions, mingling periods, and creativity tasks maintained the cover story and provided contexts in which placebo effects might be noticed. Primary subjective outcome measurement was the 5-Dimensional Altered States of Consciousness Rating Scale (5D-ASC), administered before and after ingestion. The Positive and Negative Affect Schedule (PANAS) and several filler measures (Big Five Inventory, Remote Associates Test, a divergent association task, and a brief drawing task) were also collected. Two participants with unusually high pre-drug 5D-ASC scores were excluded from analyses of that scale. Analysis was exploratory and descriptive: the investigators focused on individual differences and did not perform inferential statistical tests.
Results
Individual responses varied widely. On the 5D-ASC some participants reported alterations in conscious experience on subscales at magnitudes comparable to those typically associated with moderate or high doses of psilocybin or to moderate doses of LSD, while many others reported minimal change; group averages remained low. The extracted text does not clearly report all mean subscale values, but the authors emphasise the breadth of individual outcomes rather than a central tendency. Verbal reports indicated that 61% of participants spontaneously reported some effect of the purported drug during the session. Reported effects ranged from sensory and perceptual changes (e.g. paintings "moving" or "reshaping themselves," heightened colours or sounds, complex imagery with eyes closed) to bodily sensations (feeling heavy, warm, or a "chemical tingling") and altered cognition or affect (increased openness, ease of thought, time dilation, or transient laughter). Several examples are given, including one participant who described alternating waves of intensity and a subjective ability to "bring it upon [herself] again." Negative placebo (nocebo) experiences were also reported, such as nausea, headaches, and sinking or low-energy sensations. The remaining 39% reported nothing unusual. When asked at the end of the second sample about prior classical psychedelic use, 6 reported prior use, 10 reported none, and 1 did not answer. Within that sample, 50% [19%, 81%] of those with prior use verbally reported effects and 70% [35%, 92%] of those without prior use did so; average 5D-ASC scores for naïve participants were reported as 3.59 [0.69, 7.37], while the corresponding value for experienced users is not clearly reported in the extracted text. Participants' mood on the PANAS declined for both positive and negative affect across the session, with the "excited" and "nervous" items showing the largest drops, suggesting diminution of initial arousal or anticipatory tension; specific baseline and endpoint PANAS means are not clearly legible in the extraction. Physiological measures showed no major changes: mean heart rate moved from 82 to 78 bpm, systolic blood pressure from 134 to 128 mm Hg, and diastolic from 81 to 80 mm Hg. Prior to debriefing in the second sample, 35% of participants reported being certain they had taken a placebo, 12% were certain they had taken a psychedelic, and 53% were uncertain. Two participants with outlying pre-drug 5D-ASC scores had been excluded from that scale's analysis.
Discussion
Olson and colleagues interpret their findings as evidence that contextual factors and expectations can produce robust psychedelic-like subjective effects even in the absence of a psychoactive drug. They emphasise that some participants in this deliberately maximised-context design reported altered states comparable to moderate or high drug doses, and the study thus demonstrates the potential strength of placebo and contact-high phenomena when social modelling, environmental cues, and explicit expectation manipulation are combined. The investigators situate these results with respect to microdosing and other areas where the placebo component may be important, recommending designs that can disentangle pharmacological and expectation effects. In particular, they endorse the balanced placebo 2 × 2 design—crossing what participants are told with what they receive—as a way to isolate expectation, and they note that an active placebo (producing mild physiological sensations) could further sustain belief in drug ingestion. The authors also propose clinical implications: enhancing non-pharmacological components of treatment (for example, via videos that facilitate social modelling) might amplify therapeutic outcomes and potentially allow effective use of lower drug doses, which could improve safety. Limitations acknowledged by the study team include the lack of a control group that varied contextual features, which prevents attributing effects to specific manipulations; some participants showed elevated alterations before ingestion, indicating that the environment itself may produce effects and that the pre-drug measurement may have influenced expectations; and the modest sample size and practical difficulty of recruiting further participants once word spread across campus. The authors call for future research incorporating objective or behavioural measures, different control conditions (including open-label placebos), and balanced placebo designs to isolate mechanisms. They also urge psychedelic researchers to report individual-level placebo or low-dose responses, provide richer descriptions (and ideally photographs) of setting and experimenter behaviour, and disclose the list of expected effects communicated to participants, because such details can shape expectations and thereby influence outcomes. Overall, the authors recommend viewing placebo responses not merely as nuisance variance but as informative evidence of how context can modulate or even create aspects of the psychedelic experience.
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INTRODUCTION
Is it possible to have a psychedelic experience from a placebo? Although placebos can have robust effects across various domains, psychedelic studies generally report few effects in the placebo control group (e.g.). However, in naturalistic environments, people sometimes report having a contact high, in which they experience drug-like effects without consuming a drug but merely by being around others who have. One person, for example, reported a "delightful" 4-h high without consuming anything and then "came down about the same time as did the others" who had taken a psychedelic. Contact highs are well-known among recreational drug users), yet almost nobody has studied them; we know of only two relevant studies, both focusing on marijuana.argued that the "very oddity [of the contact high] may well keep researchers from admitting to its existence, let alone trying to understand it or . . . its rather far-reaching implications for psychological and social health". Indeed, it appears that no related studies have been published in the four decades since. These contact highs are not simply due to accidental consumption of a drug, such as passive inhalation of marijuana, as the term is sometimes broadly used. Instead, similar to placebo effects, these highs may result from classical conditioning as well as the physical and social setting. Psychedelic drugs are commonly consumed in familiar environments conducive to the experience. A typical psychedelic party has lights, music, and art that may draw attention to changes in perception; its social setting promotes the spreading of emotions (i.e. emotional contagion;) and observational learning of drug effects (i.e. social modelling;. In one study, participants reported more effects from placebo marijuana in a typical party environment than in a stark and sterile lab room. Further, drugs are often taken at night and may be confounded with the effects of sleep deprivation such as changes in mood or inhibition. Some of these effects may be misinterpreted as resulting from the drug itself, thereby promoting a contact high. More broadly, the effects of psychedelic drugs result from three components: pharmacological factors, nonpharmacological (contextual) factors, and their interaction. Pharmacological factors involve the drug itself and its biological effects, which are usually studied by comparing psychedelic drugs to placebos. Non-pharmacological factors capture the context-"set and setting"-such as the user's mindset, expectations, and environment. The environmental factors include the type of lighting or music, interactions with therapists or researchers, or the cultural views of psychedelic drugs. Some studies have examined the interaction between the pharmacological and non-pharmacological factors by testing how different environments promote drug effects. Few studies, however, have explored the non-pharmacological factors alone by testing the effects of a placebo psychedelic in conducive or varied environments. Psychedelic studies generally find few effects in their placebo control groups. In the famous Good Friday experiment, 40% of the participants given psilocybin in a church setting reported having a complete mystical experience involving feelings of unity and sacredness, while none in the placebo group did. In a therapeutic environment,found that the majority of participants in the psilocybin group had a mystical experience, compared with 11% in the methylphenidate (stimulant) group and none in the inactive (i.e. inert) placebo group. Other studies have also found minimal alterations in consciousness following the ingestion of placebo psilocybinor placebo LSD. We suspected that placebo psychedelic effects could be stronger than previously reported, as they may have been obscured by the lab setting, study design, or analysis decisions. Placebo effects are generally strongest when people believe they have taken the drug. In randomised controlled trials, participants are told of the possibility that they may be in the placebo or low-dose control group; this knowledge alone can influence the magnitude of their placebo effects. Participants often vigilantly observe their experiences in an attempt to resolve the uncertainty over whether they are in the control group). After ingesting the drug and experiencing few effects, participants may infer that they have consumed a placebo (e.g.. Indeed, due to the acute effects of psychedelic drugs, participants are generally aware when they have consumed one, making blinding difficult.) even considered double-blind psychedelic studies "ridiculous" given that participants rapidly become aware of whether they are in the placebo group. This broken blind may reduce participant expectations in the control group and thereby weaken any placebo effects. Even if there are strong effects, the placebo group is often simply used as a comparator and not explored in detail. Furthermore, participants who experience no effects may pull down reported averages and thereby obscure potentially interesting individual experiences. All of these factors may inadvertently limit the magnitude of reported psychedelic placebo effects. Still, some studies with individual-level metrics do occasionally report strong effects from placebo psychedelics., for example, describe unexpected results after giving participants placebo LSD (i.e. tap water) in a typical experiment room. Many participants reported sweaty palms (35%), drowsiness (24%), headaches (20%), anxiety (13%), fatigue (11%), and a reduced appetite (11%). Some reported experiences more specific to psychedelics, including visual distortions, unusual sensations, and dreamlike states. One participant "responded positively to almost half of theitems" for up to 10 h and required "considerable care . . . to maintain an experimental situation that was not traumatic" (p. 8). Further,report that of their 18 participants-almost all of whom were naïve to hallucinogens-2 considered their inactive placebo session to be in the top five most spiritually significant experiences of their lives, and 7 reported at least moderate increases in well-being or life satisfaction 1 month later. These kinds of effects indicate that there may be other placebo effects hidden within group averages. Thus, the present feasibility study explores individual variation in responses to placebo psychedelics. We used a naturalistic context that may promote contact highs and placebo effects-a party setting in which we led participants to believe that there was no placebo control group. We predicted that at least some participants would report psychedelic-like experiences from a placebo alone.
PARTICIPANTS
We recruited participants through social media advertisements for a study testing the "effect of a psychoactive drug on creativity". The advertisement stated that the drug "has been shown to induce positive mood, creative thinking, personal insight, and spiritual experience". We screened participants by phone to ensure that they were university students with no physical or mental health issues. We excluded those in psychology-related fields at McGill University who may know that our lab studies placebos. Thirty-five people passed the screening and were eligible and available at the time of the study; 33 showed up to participate (M = 21.7 years old, SD = 3.4; 18 men). They studied in a variety of disciplines, most commonly engineering (n = 6) and visual arts (n = 4). In each sample, we also had 6 to 7 confederates in a similar age range, described below. We ran two samples of participants (n 1 = 16, n 2 = 17), each with students from a different university, to reduce information leaking about the placebo component of the study. In our first sample, we attempted to exclude participants with previous psychedelic drug use, but several of them later revealed to us that they had hidden their previous experience for fear of being ineligible for the study. Thus, in our second sample, we removed this criterion from the screening. The protocol was approved by the McGill University Faculty of Medicine Institutional Review Board (A08-B02-17A).
SCREENING
During the phone screening, the researcher explained that participants would consume a small dose of the psychedelic drug iprocin-a homologue of psilocybin, the active ingredient in psychedelic mushrooms. We expected that none of the participants would have heard of this littleknown drug, so we could better control their expectations. Drawing on the common effects of psilocybin, the researcher listed the effects of iprocin as: improved mood, heightened cognition, emotional sensitivity, light sensitivity, hallucinations, sleepiness, tingling sensation of the skin, vivid recall of memories, increased perspiration, slurred speech, mild anxiety, slower reflex response, and dizziness. Participants were asked to avoid drugs or alcohol for 24 h and to avoid caffeine or tobacco for 1 h before the beginning of the study. This screening procedure helped improve credibility by matching what participants would likely expect from a typical drug study.
SETTING
We used an elaborate procedure to mask the fact that we were studying placebos and to plant the expectation that there was no placebo control group. Both samples of the study were run on weekend evenings from 19:00 to 23:00. The participants (and confederates) met a researcher in the lobby of the Montreal Neurological Institute of McGill University to leverage institutional credibility. The researcher asked for government-issued photo identification to make the procedure appear more official. Participants received a hospital wristband and a name tag both showing an identification number, ostensibly to maintain confidentiality throughout the study. To build anticipation, the group waited in the lobby for 20 min as some confederates casually planted statements to boost expectations (e.g. "My friend did this study last week and had a blast"; cf.. Another researcher then led the participants through the hallways of the institute where numerous other researchers held doors open. A security guard stood outside the experiment room. We intentionally used excessive personnel to make the study appear more legitimate. The participants removed their shoes and left their belongings in an adjacent room. The experiment room had a naturalistic atmosphere, resembling a party (Fig.). Psychedelic paintings with subtle visual illusions adorned the walls. Changing-colour lights illuminated the paintings and red light-therapy lamps lit the rest of the room. A DJ played ambient music on a turntable. Gym mats, bean bags, and meditation cushions covered the carpet. A few books describing psychedelics were placed on the cushions, along with paper and pencil crayons for drawing. A projector played the non-verbal filmsand Samsara (2011), known for their stunning visuals, without sound. Snacks and water were available. Discreet cameras placed around the room and in each researcher's lab coat pocket recorded the experiment. An official-looking sign on the room door displayed hospital logos, names of professors, and emergency contacts. In short, the environment was relaxed yet credible. To make the study appear more scientific, all 7 (first sample) to 11 (second sample) researchers wore white lab coats Fig.Setting. The study was set up like a psychedelic party with lights, paintings, projections, and music and held identical clipboards and pens. The main experimenter played the role of a post-doctoral researcher leading a multi-site study across several universities. Periodically throughout the study, the principal investigator would enter the room to scribble notes and give confirmatory nods to the researchers. A psychiatrist was on site to increase credibility and in case participants were anxious or had (placebo) emergencies (cf..
BRIEFING
As the participants entered the room, the experimenter told them to sit in a semi-circle arranged by participant number. This distributed the confederates across the room and promoted interaction with them, preparing the eventual emotional contagion and social modelling. As a cover story, the experimenter stated that the study investigated the interaction between a drug and the environment on creativity. Most studies, he explained, take place in sterile rooms and give little opportunity for participants to express their creativity. To reduce suspicion about the possibility of a placebo control group, the experimenter stated that this was a feasibility study aimed at resolving logistical issues before starting the more controlled trial. No part of the briefing mentioned placebos. The experimenter explained that iprocin was a fastacting and legal drug similar to psychedelic mushrooms. Its effects start quickly, within 15 min, peak in 1 to 2 h, then quickly fade. We told participants that they would stay in the room until the effects had worn off, but that these would unlikely persist beyond the 4-h study. An officiallooking information sheet listed the dose (4 mg) and the effects described during the phone screening.We described the dose as small to ensure participants would have realistic expectations about the effects). The participants did not appear sceptical about the study procedure. This may seem surprising, given that some of the students were knowledgeable about drugs and may have known that the institution has done little psychedelic research since the 1960s. However, we had several factors working in our favour. We followed a principle of deception to use an excessive amount of preparation and effort (Teller 2012) to conceal the true purpose of the study. We hoped that participants would not expect phone screenings, health certifications, hospital wristbands, 11 researchers, a psychiatrist, and a security guard for a mere placebo study. Further, unbeknownst to the participants, the main experimenter had training in deception (as a former professional magician) and was ready to offer deceptive explanations if the cover story was threatened. In previous studies, we have used such elaborate procedures to make students (and researchers) believe even less plausible ideas, such as that a neuro-imaging machine was controlling their thoughts. Given these previous findings, it is less surprising that participants appeared to believe our drug cover story here.
BASELINE MEASUREMENTS
After signing the consent form, participants completed three questionnaires measuring personality, mood, and subjective experience (see "Measures" section). Another researcher then took each participant's heart rate and blood pressure (Physio Logic LuminA device, AMG Medical Inc., Montreal, QC). The researcher read out both values as 10 units lower than they actually were. This false feedback helped ensure that the next reading (after consuming the drug) would be higher, making it appear as if the drug was having a physiological effect.
PLACEBO
The participants then individually met with the experimenter at a corner of the room to receive the placebo pill. The pill was a size 0 (2-cm long) capsule filled with an inert powder (microcrystalline cellulose), purchased from a local pharmacy. The pills were pink, since they have been shown to promote more stimulant effects than placebos of other colours such as blue). To help participants believe that everyone was in the same condition (i.e. that there was no separate control group), we casually offered participants to select any pill cup from the tray, paying little attention to which one they took, to imply that they were all identical. Participants took the capsule with water, then the experimenter shined a flashlight in their mouth to ensure that they had swallowed it. The participants then had 30 min to mingle, ostensibly to wait for the drug to take effect. Approximately 15 min after ingestion, the confederates started to act out the effects of the drug in subtle ways. They were previously instructed to pace and lead (cf. Nash and Barnier 2012)that is, to match and then magnify the effects shown by other participants. For example, if participants seemed to show an improvement in mood, the confederates would match this increase and then act even happier. Indeed, watching confederates experience effects of a placebo makes participants more likely to experience them. To make it appear as if the drug was having a physiological effect, one confederate with naturally large pupils told some participants individually, "Your pupils are huge! Are mine like that?" The room contained no mirrors (nor did the bathroom) or phone cameras for participants to verify this statement, and the dark room with red lights naturally dilated their pupils. The environment was upbeat and social. Many participants watched the films, others swayed to the music, some played cards, and a few threw paper airplanes into popcorn bowls. The researchers periodically probed individual participants about their experience.
FILLER CREATIVITY MEASURES
To maintain our cover story, we next collected data on creativity. We told participants to move to a new area of the room; this gave them a chance to interact with other confederates. They then completed verbal and visual creativity tasks (see "Filler measures" section). These tasks also gave participants different contexts to notice any placebo effects.
EXPERIENCE MEASUREMENTS
After another 45 min of mingling, the participants regrouped to complete the same mood and experience questionnaires as the ones completed prior to ingesting the placebo. We also took another measure of heart rate and blood pressure. This time, the researcher increased the values by 10 units. Several participants asked about this increase; the researcher stated that the value was higher than before, but that this was normal. The participants then met with the experimenter at a corner of the room who asked them about any effects they had noticed since the study began. We used this open-ended wording to avoid inflating the reporting of side effects, as can sometimes occur when asking specific questions). The responses were tape-recorded and later transcribed. Combined with their verbal reports to the researchers throughout the study, these responses gave a qualitative measure of the participants' experience.
DEBRIEFING
At 3.5 h into the study, the participants regrouped for a debriefing. In the second sample, we asked them to write down whether they had used any of the classical psychedelic drugs before, which we specified as LSD, magic mushrooms, mescaline, or DMT. We also asked whether they believed they had ingested a psychedelic drug or a placebo. In both samples, the experimenter then revealed that the drug was a placebo and explained the true purpose of the study. The participants then signed another consent form allowing us to use their data now that they were aware of the deception. Participants were compensated $40 for their participation.
-DIMENSIONAL ALTERED STATES OF CONSCIOUSNESS RATING SCALE (5D-ASC)
The 5D-ASC measures changes in subjective experience) and is commonly used in psychedelic studies. Each item uses a visual analogue scale ranging from "No, not more than usually" (0) to "Yes, much more than usually" (100). The measure has 11 subscales): -anxiety (e.g. "I was scared without knowing exactly why"), -spiritual experience ("My experience had religious aspects to it"), -insightfulness ("I felt very profound"), -impaired control and cognition ("I felt incapable of making even the smallest decision"), -disembodiment ("I felt as if I no longer had a body"), -experience of unity ("Everything seemed to unify into a oneness"), -blissful state ("I experienced boundless pleasure"), -changed meaning of percepts ("Some everyday things acquired special meaning"), -complex imagery ("I saw whole scenes roll by with closed eyes or in complete darkness"), -audio-visual synaesthesia ("The colours of things seemed to be altered by sounds or noises"), and -elementary imagery ("I saw colours with closed eyes or in complete darkness"). Participants completed this measure before and after ingesting the pill, in order to assess any effects of the setting itself independent from the placebo. Two participants had unexpectedly high scores on the scale before consuming the pill (with some subscale averages above 15 and corresponding z scores above 4), so we excluded these participants from the entire scale.
POSITIVE AND NEGATIVE AFFECT SCHEDULE (PANAS)
The PANAS is a 20-item questionnaire) measuring how much participants feel various emotions, such as "Enthusiastic" or "Distressed". Each item uses a 5point Likert scale ranging from "Very slightly or not at all" (1) to "Extremely" (5). The ten positive and ten negative items are summed to give two separate affect scores. At baseline, the internal consistency was good for positive affect (Cronbach's α = .87) but lower for negative affect (α = .61), likely due to a floor effect.
FILLER MEASURES
The rest of the measures served to maintain the cover story and to meet participants' expectations of a drug study. Participants completed the Big Five Inventory, Remote Associates Task, Divergent Association Task, and the House Tree Person Test.
BIG FIVE INVENTORY (BFI)
The 44-item BFI measures five broad personality traits). An example item is: "I am someone who talks a lot". Each item uses a 5-point Likert scale ranging from "Disagree strongly" (1) to "Agree strongly" (5). None of its subscales predicted alterations in consciousness in our participants (|r| values ≤ .13).
REMOTE ASSOCIATES TEST (RAT)
In the RAT), participants hear three words (e.g. cream, skate, cube) and have to find a fourth word (e.g. ice) that forms a compound word when combined with each of the others (e.g. icecream). After two practice trials, participants had 30 s to find the matching word for each of the 10 (second sample) or 20 (first sample) trials.
DIVERGENT ASSOCIATION TASK
In the second sample, participants additionally completed a creativity measure in which they generated 10 words as different from each other as possible in meaning and usage. We developed this task in an attempt to capture the divergent associations that are commonly reported in altered states of consciousness). The task is currently being validated (Olson and Webb, in progress). House tree person test Finally, participants were instructed to draw a house, tree, and person; they were given 1 min to draw each item and then another minute to add any details to the drawings.
ANALYSIS
We explored the subscales of the 5D-ASC and PANAS to see how experience and mood changed throughout the study. We focused on individual variation rather than group averages in order to prevent the placebo non-responders from diluting any effects. As a result, we did not perform any statistical tests.
ALTERATIONS IN CONSCIOUSNESS
There was considerable individual variation in placebo effects. Figureshows the individual responses to the 5D-ASC subscales after ingestion, compared with the average effects reported after consuming psilocybin. If there were no placebo effects, we would expect most of the values to be around 0, indicating no alterations in consciousness. Instead, on some of the subscales, several participants reported changes in experience greater than those associated with ingesting moderate or high doses of psilocybinor moderate doses of LSD. Other participants showed little changes from the placebo, and thus average values were low (M pre = 1.25 [0.62, 2.08]; M post = 3.).Tablesandshow the average scores for each subscale and item.
VERBAL REPORTS
When asked by the experimenter, most of the participants (61%) reported some effect of the drug, which we list approximately ordered by magnitude. Thirty minutes after ingestion, one participant reported feeling light-headed and experiencing less effort when trying to move her head. An hour later, she reported watching the colours shift on the paintings and feeling "very, very relaxed". Near the end of the study, she reported still feeling heavy, relaxed, and warm. She said that during the tasks, she was distracted and "just wanted to look at the painting [on the wall] and stare at it". She sometimes "did not feel like [she] could talk to anyone else". In the middle of the study she felt "sober for a while"-she "had a comedown"-and then was able to "bring it upon [herself] again" and felt another "wave" hitting her. She could make herself "sober" if she wanted to, but instead she was "trying to makefeel it" to enjoy the experience. After the debriefing, she mentioned she was "very surprised it was a placebo" and that she "definitely felt [she] was high on something". Before leaving, she added that people thought that she was a confederate who was acting out the effects. She then asked where she could get the placebo drug again. Another participant had a similarly positive experience. She initially reported feeling tense, then later talkative, friendly, and open to sharing her ideas with others. She reported heightened senses, with sounds and colours being more vibrant. She also later reported feeling certain that she had taken a psychedelic. Other participants experienced nocebo (negative placebo) effects. One reported feeling nauseated throughout the study. She felt hot with sweaty palms, and her arms and legs felt heavier. Another had a similar experience: I didn't feel anything until we were doing the drawings. And everything kind of dropped a little bit and maybe I had a headache. . . maybe, low energy. . . I think it was a sinking feeling. Like gravity [had] a stronger hold on me or something. . . mostly [in] my head. Specifically in the back of my head. One other participant also reported perceptual changes: I had not feeling anything until looking at this [painting]. It's moving. The colours aren't just changing, it's moving. It's reshaping itself. One participant reported that he had trouble understanding what people were saying for approximately 20 min during the study, as if their words did not register. Other participants reported feeling energetic, uninhibited, warm, relaxed, mild, mellow, or dulled. Two participants reported that thoughts "came easier" and "without effort". Two others mentioned time passing faster or slower; one of them reflected, "The way we live is too active. . . too fast for me". Twenty minutes after ingestion, one reported feeling a "chemical tingling" in his torso, as if he had taken a drug or drank coffee. Others reported zoning out more than usual, minor headaches, seeing the lines on the paintings move, or feeling more inventive during the drawing task. One participant reported that for several minutes he felt "very much like laughing". The rest of the participants (39%) reported feeling nothing out of the ordinary.
PREVIOUS DRUG USE
In our second sample, we asked participants at the end of the study whether they had previously used any of the classical psychedelic drugs. Overall, 6 participants reported that they had, 10 that they had not, and 1 did not answer. This sample is too small to draw strong conclusions, but there did not appear to be a clear relationship between participants' drug use and their experience. Among those who had used psychedelic drugs, 50% [19%, 81%] verbally reported effects; among those who had not, 70% [35%, 92%] reported effects. There also seemed to be no major difference in alterations of consciousness, with average 5D-ASC scores ofin the experienced users and 3.59 [0.69, 7.37] in the naïve ones.
MOOD
Participants reduced in both positive and negative affect throughout the study. At baseline, participants reported an average positive affect of; by the end of the study, it was at 26.]. Negative affect similarly dropped from 14.. The "excited" and "nervous" items dropped the most on each subscale, suggesting that this change in mood may have simply reflected participants adapting to the lab setting as the excited and nervous anticipation dissipated.
PHYSIOLOGY
There were no major changes in physiology. Heart rate averages went from 82to 78bpm. Systolic blood pressure went from 134to 128mm Hg; diastolic blood pressure went from 81to 80.
SCEPTICISM
In the second sample, before the debriefing, we asked participants to guess whether they had taken a psychedelic, a placebo, or whether they were uncertain. Overall, 35% reported being certain they had taken a placebo, 12% were certain that they had taken a psychedelic, and the rest (53%) were uncertain. In the first sample, we did not ask this question, but the same number of people spontaneously reported being certain that they had taken a psychedelic drug. During the debriefing, when we revealed the placebo nature of the study, many participants appeared shocked. Several gasped and started laughing. One stated, "It's very funny!", and another replied, "It's sad!" One of the participants who had sat with a group near the paintings throughout the study asked, "So we were all sober and just watching these paintings for 45 minutes?!"
DISCUSSION
In this study, we explored placebo effects and contact highs in a naturalistic setting. By carefully controlling contextual factors, social interactions, and participants' expectations, we investigated whether we could induce psychedelic-like experiences from a placebo alone. There was considerable variation in both quantitative and qualitative results: many participants reported nothing unusual while others reported effects typically associated with moderate or high doses of psychedelic drugs. To our knowledge, these are the strongest alterations in consciousness reported in the literature following an inactive placebo psychedelic (e.g.. These findings prompt the question: what role does expectation play in the psychedelic experience? This question may be particularly relevant for microdosing, in which there are many open questions about the role of context and expectation. In our study, some of our participants reported alterations in consciousness stronger than the usual effects of microdosing either psilocybin (Figure;or LSD. We thus agree with Carhart-Harris et al. () that expectations and context likely remain important even when microdosing. One way to isolate the role of expectation would be to use a balanced placebo design. In this 2 × 2 design, what participants are told they will receive (e.g. a placebo or psychedelic) is fully crossed with what they receive in reality (Table). This creates four experimental conditions, two of which require deception: expecting to receive a psychedelic but receiving a placebo (as tested here), and expecting to receive a placebo but receiving a psychedelic. The latter seems plausible at least at lower doses of the drug. Balanced placebo designs would be ideal for microdosing studies, in which it is more difficult to differentiate a placebo from the drug. This would allow researchers to isolate how expectations interact with the drug to create psychedelic (or placebo) effects. To be clear, the elaborate procedure used in our study is unnecessary to create the basic expectation that participants will receive a psychedelic drug; here we were also interested in maximising placebo effects based on the context. One additional way to boost expectations would be to use an active placebo which has some physiological effects, such as niacin (which causes facial flushing). By leading participants to believe that the control group will receive an inactive placebo (as in), experiencing any kind of effect may be misinterpreted as evidence of a psychedelic drug. In our study, using an active placebo would have likely promoted stronger effects, making more participants feel certain that they had consumed a psychedelic. Better understanding expectation and context may help explain the mystery of contact highs. Here, having confederates act out the effects of the drug may have promoted a "placebo contact high". We hypothesise that both contact highs and placebo psychedelics work through similar mechanisms, such as classical conditioning, positive expectations, emotional contagion, and social modelling. We would therefore predict, for example, that the more confederates act out the drug effects and the more the environment resembles naturalistic drug settings, the greater the placebo effects and contact highs will be. The mere knowledge of contact highs may even strengthen their effect by boosting expectations and making people more sensitive to potential changes in their conscious experience (cf.. Contact highs may thus be self-reinforcing: after experiencing one once, people may expect them in the future, making them more likely to occur. We hope our study helps break the decades-long hiatus on contact high research in order to test these kinds of predictions. Several aspects of our procedure may also be useful for placebo drug or alcohol studies looking to create credible experiments. For example, the use of numerous research personnel, confederates acting out the drug effects, implied physiological changes, or the apparent lack of a control group may be useful to strengthen deception and placebo effects. Indeed, even 3 h after ingesting the inert pill, some participants thought it was a psychedelic, the majority were uncertain, and only a third thought it was a placebo. This may be an inflated estimate of scepticism, since some participants may not have considered the idea of a placebo until they were asked). As a comparison, in one study of LSD microdosing, nobody in the placebo group thought they had received a psychedelic; all guessed it was a placebo or a different drug. Beyond its research implications, understanding the optimal context for placebos and psychedelics may also be useful for clinicians. Since drug effects result from a combination of pharmacological and non-pharmacological factors, carefully controlling the context may promote therapeutic outcomes. The same factors that may have promoted psychedeliclike effects in our participants could have magnified actual psychedelic effects had they consumed a real drug. Some of these factors could be translated into clinical contexts. For example, rather than using confederates, clinicians could show videos of previous patients discussing the positive effects they experienced from the drug in order to boost expectations and promote social modelling. In doing so, clinicians may be able to obtain similar therapeutic experiences from lower doses of the drug; in a sense, some of the pharmacological components could be replaced with or enhanced by non-pharmacological ones. Lower therapeutic doses are more safe, which is important given the re-emergence of psychedelic therapy and the numerous clinical trials underway. One limitation of our study is that we cannot identify which factors promoted the effects without a separate control group. The control could be an open-label placebo group, in which participants are aware they receiving a placebo (bottom right cell of Table). Alternatively, the control group could receive a different list of expected drug effects, vary the number of confederates, or take place in a traditional lab environment versus a more naturalistic one. Isolating and controlling the relevant contextual factors could help improve psychedelic study designs and explain replication differences across sites. Another limitation is that some of the participants in our sample unexpectedly reported alterations in consciousness even before consuming the drug. These changes may have been due to the environment itself. The individual items with the highest pre-drug averages seemed reasonable given the time and setting (e.g. being sleepy or feeling like one was in a "wonderful other world"). After removing the two participants with outlying scores, these baseline alterations were relatively small compared with after consuming the drug. In any case, completing a pre-drug measure may have changed participants' expectations in some way, so it may be better to avoid this in the future as in most psychedelic studies. Future research could also include more behavioural or objective measures in order to assess whether these placebo effects are limited to subjective alterations in consciousness. An additional subjective measure that would also be relevant is the Mystical Experience Questionnairewhich correlates strongly with 5D-ASC scores (r = .87;. A final limitation was that our sample size was constrained: after the first session, word of the placebo aspect of the study quickly spread across the campus, so we had to recruit our next sample from a different university. Overall, our study highlights the importance of the placebo component of psychedelic drugs. Given our results, we suggest that psychedelic researchers explore and report individual effects found in their placebo (or very low dose) control groups (e.g.. This could involve reporting maximum values or using graphs that show individual variation (e.g. as in Figureor with violin plots,rather than focusing only on group averages. We also suggest that researchers describe the setting in more detail-ideally with photographs-and mention the behaviour of clinicians or experimenters. In particular, it would be helpful to describe the list of drug effects given to participants, which can influence their expectations and experiences. This level of reporting will be useful to help explain differences in psychedelic effects across sites. Indeed, understanding the psychedelic experience means isolating which parts are due to the drug itself and which are due to the contextual factors. We hope that our results help shift the view of placebo effects from a necessary nuisance to a demonstration of the power of context in both modulating and creating the psychedelic experience.
Study Details
- Study Typeindividual
- Populationhumans
- Characteristicsplacebo controlledsingle blind
- Journal
- Compound