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Narratives of the mystical among users of psychedelics

Drawing on interviews with 50 psychedelic users, this study finds that contemporary psychedelic “mystical” experiences conform to archetypal narratives characterised by transcendence of time and space, intense euphoria and a felt oneness with a larger whole. These archetypal patterns are shaped by culturally and politically specific storylines, notably environmental motifs of unity with plants and animals and a perceived duty to protect nature.

Authors

  • Copes, H.
  • Gashi, L.
  • Pedersen, W.

Published

Acta Sociologica
individual Study

Abstract

We are now witnessing a radical revival in clinical research on the use of psychedelics (e.g. LSD and psilocybin), where ‘mystical’ experiences are at the centre. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 50 psychedelic drug users, we document how they draw on archetypical mystical narratives, comprising three key dimensions: (1) the transcendence of time and space; (2) deep euphoria; and (3) the perception of being at one with ‘a larger whole’. We suggest that the evolving new cultures around the use of psychedelics contain a variety of narratives, with clear roots in traditional mystical thinking. At the same time, these narratives reflect current cultural and political influences, including the narratives of oneness with plants and animals and our perceived need to protect nature. We conclude that the way people experience mystical occasions due to psychedelic use have archetypical patterns, but culturally specific storylines.

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Research Summary of 'Narratives of the mystical among users of psychedelics'

Introduction

Mystical experiences have long been central to religious and philosophical accounts of human meaning, and recent clinical revival around psychedelics (for example LSD and psilocybin) has placed such experiences back at the centre of scientific interest. Classical dimensions of mysticism—ineffability, noetic quality, unity or loss of ego, and altered sense of time and space—are repeatedly reported in studies of psychedelic administration, yet most empirical work has been clinical and limited in examining how users outside therapeutic settings make sense of these events. There is also an ongoing debate about whether mystical experiences are universal in their core features or are culturally mediated by narrative resources available to the experiencer. Pedersen and colleagues set out to explore how people in Norway narratively construct and explain mystical experiences occasioned by psychedelics. Using a narrative identity framework, the study examines which cultural storylines participants draw on—particularly contemporary ecological and political themes—to render the ineffable intelligible and to account for reported personal changes following psychedelic use. The authors therefore aim to document both archetypal patterns of mystical experience and the culturally specific storylines that shape their interpretation.

Methods

The study used semi-structured, in-depth interviews with 50 self-selected Norwegian psychedelic users recruited predominantly via an online forum for psychedelics (Emmasofia) with additional snowball sampling. Interviews took place in offices at the University of Oslo, lasted about two to three hours (with a short break), and covered biographical background (upbringing, education, occupation), political and cultural interests, substance-use histories, and detailed narratives of psychedelic trips, including substances, typical dosages and ritual contexts. The sample comprised 42 men and 8 women, aged 20–55 (majority in their late twenties to early thirties); most participants were students or employed full time and relatively highly educated, with 70% (N = 35) holding or pursuing academic degrees. Reported experience with substances included LSD (n = 37), psilocybin (n = 36), 2C‑B (n = 20), DMT or ayahuasca (n = 20) and MDMA (n = 34); most use occurred outside formal therapeutic settings and was illegal in Norway, except for some experiences in the Netherlands. Interviews were audio recorded, transcribed and analysed using NVivo. The analytic approach was thematic narrative analysis treating whole stories as the unit of analysis: long sections of text were coded to capture broader narrative contours, the links between trip phenomenology and cultural narratives, and the ways participants integrated these experiences into personal identity stories. The authors acknowledge potential positionality effects—interviewer characteristics, the university setting and the first author's public profile might have shaped responses—and state they could not assess prevalence of psychiatric disorders in the sample. Ethical approval was obtained from the Norwegian Social Science Data Service (NSD) and participants provided informed consent with identifying details anonymised.

Results

Across interviews participants repeatedly emphasised the difficulty of putting their experiences into words, reflecting the ineffability commonly described in the mysticism literature. Nevertheless, they made sustained narrative efforts—using metaphors, analogies and references to philosophy, science and fiction—to render these experiences tellable. Three recurring experiential dimensions were identified: (1) transcendence of time and space (including time dilation and the sense of being simultaneously at different temporal or spatial locations); (2) intense positive mood or euphoria distinct from the empathic effects of MDMA; and (3) a felt unity with a larger whole, often articulated as being one with nature, the universe or close others. On temporal and spatial transcendence, many related episodes where moments stretched into seeming eternities or where they felt set free from ordinary temporal bounds; some accounts described journeys through human prehistory or being simultaneously present in multiple places, and a number reported empathetic merging with family members. Euphoria was described as existential and profound rather than merely pleasurable; several participants contrasted the depth of this bliss with the more superficial euphoria they associated with MDMA. Reports of ego-dissolution or 'death' of the self commonly linked to increased feelings of connection and wellbeing. The unity theme most frequently took ecological and animistic forms in this Norwegian sample. Participants often used nature-based metaphors and drew on indigenous or shamanic references (for example, Terence McKennaʼs ideas about plants), describing trees, berries or landscapes as animate or communicative and sometimes claiming that the plants or earth 'showed' them insights about how to live. Although none identified as active Christians, some recounted God-like voices or entities framed in secular or psychological terms. The authors note that these ecological storylines reflect contemporary cultural and political preoccupations with climate, biodiversity loss and environmental activism, which participants invoked to ground and interpret their experiences. Participants also used these narratives to construct personal identity transformations: many claimed positive changes such as increased openness, reduced judgement of others, humility about knowledge, learning to live closer to nature (for instance by growing plants), and adopting pro-environmental attitudes and behaviours. Bad trips were acknowledged but often reframed over time as having yielded existential insight. Overall, the data show a pattern consistent with classical mystical categories while simultaneously coloured by locally salient cultural storylines emphasising ecology rather than traditional religion.

Discussion

Pedersen and colleagues interpret the findings as supporting a dual reading of psychedelic-occasioned mystical experiences: on one level participants’ reports exhibit archetypal features long described in mysticism research—ineffability, noetic quality, time/space transcendence, ego-dissolution and intense positive affect—while on another level those core experiences are mediated and made meaningful through culturally available narratives. In this Norwegian sample, secular ecological and political storylines—concerns about climate, nature, plants and biodiversity—featured prominently as resources for explaining and integrating mystical material, enabling participants to craft personal identity narratives that emphasise moral and behavioural change. The authors situate these observations within debates about universality versus mediation of mystical experiences, aligning with scholars who argue that cultural context shapes how such experiences are interpreted and narrated. They further note that the immediate context of use matters: rituals, ceremonies or therapeutic settings can steer meaning-making differently from party or rave contexts, where bonding and social connection may be emphasised rather than explicit mystical framing. Pedersen and colleagues also compare their findings with prior studies that located other cultural frames (for example neoliberal discourses in earlier UK research), arguing that contemporary Norwegian narratives reflect a political ecology salient among young, educated participants. Limitations acknowledged by the authors include the non-representative nature of the sample (self-selected, highly educated, predominantly male and largely urban), the possible influence of the interview setting and interviewer characteristics on participantsʼ narratives, and the inability to verify clinical or psychiatric histories. They also emphasise that their focus is on how participants narratively make sense of experiences rather than on objective verification of phenomenology. The authors conclude that narratives both explain and shape psychedelic experiences and that understanding cultural storylines is essential for interpreting reports of mystical episodes and associated personal change.

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METHODS

To understand the mediated nature of mystical experiences and psychedelics, we draw on semistructured interviews with 50 Norwegian men and women. To fit the sampling criteria, participants had to have some experience with psychedelic substances. Participants were mostly recruited through a Norwegian online forum for users of psychedelics (called Emmasofia), some were also recruited by means of snowball-sampling based on these initial participants. Participants' area of residency differed but the majority were living in the greater Oslo area. Interviews were carried out by the first and third author in our offices at the University of Oslo. We tried to develop a friendly and relaxed atmosphere and interviews lasted between two and three hours (usually with a 10-minute break). We asked about topics such as the participants' upbringing, family background, education and occupational career. We also explored their political interests, food preferences (e.g. vegetarianism or veganism) and taste regarding music and literature. In addition, we asked about details of their history of use of alcohol and illegal psychoactive substances. Then, the greater part of the interviews addressed their use of psychedelics. In this section, we took particular care to pose open questions, which allowed participants to provide rich stories with numerous details about inspiration, motives and the social and sociocultural contexts of using psychedelics. They described substances, rituals, typical dosages, and offered in-depth descriptions of their trips. Some had taken part in well-organized ceremonies, including those with shamans flown in from South America, but most had used them in more informal contexts at festivals, private homes or social gatherings in the forests surrounding Oslo. All demographic information was self-identified by the participants. We interviewed 42 men and 8 women. The age of participants ranged from 20-55 years, but the majority were in their late twenties or early thirties. A few had used psychedelics less than 10 times, but the majority had used them between 10 and 50 times. The participants had experience using LSD (n ¼ 37), psilocybin (n ¼ 36), 2C-B (n ¼ 20), DMT or ayahuasca (n ¼ 20), and MDMA (n ¼ 34). Participants varied as to whether they considered MDMA a 'real' psychedelic. 1 Some of these users had also experiences with 'microdosing' (regularly taking small doses of LSD or mushrooms). However, this was not a prevalent pattern in this sample. Almost all use of psychedelics was illegal, the exception was a few experiences taking place in Netherlands, where the use of psilocybin truffles is semi-legal (they may be bought in smartshops in Amsterdam). However, few of these users were concerned with the illegal dimension of the use. This may be due to the fact that the Norwegian police force has not prioritized policing the use of these substances. Moreover, due to the low prices and the low-frequent use as compared with other illegal substances, the illegal economy surrounding psychedelics is not much interwoven with traditional drug crimes. All participants were students or worked full-time, and their educational level was above Norwegian average: 70% (N ¼ 35) had or were in the process of completing academic degrees ranging between bachelor's to PhD. Many described their experiences drawing on sophisticated philosophical, cultural or literary references, reflecting high levels of cultural capital. Many also were knowledgeable on hallucinogenic substances and they often referred to scientific studies to document their stances on the matter. Users of psychedelic substances seemingly have little in common with those who use cocaine, heroin or amphetamines in regard to sociocultural style, use of symbolic boundaries, and identity work. Almost all participants had also used cannabis during the preceding year, whereas a large minority (between 30% and 40%) had used other illegal substances, such as amphetamines or cocaine, figures that are much higher than those observed in the general population in Norway (Norwegian Institute of Public Health, 2018). Still, they lived well-organized lives, and none of them they had substance use problems. We are not able to estimate the prevalence of psychiatric disorders in the sample; however, a majority of participants said that they had struggled with problems such as depressive periods, sleeping problems, generalized anxiety or misuse of alcohol or illegal drugs. Some had received therapy for these problems. The interviews were audio recorded, transcribed, and then coded using NVivo, following general standards of qualitative research analysis. Specifically, we used thematic narrative analysis to understand participants' mystical experiences using psychedelics. Our initial coding for mystical experiences included coding long sections of text so that the broader narratives could be identified. We analysed their narratives in a way to ensure that we looked at their stories in their entirety (i.e. stories were the unit of analysis). During this stage we determined the contours of their experiences, and how these experiences were connected to broader cultural narratives and to their personal narratives. We took care to draw from a large portion of the participants to better illustrate the generality of these experiences. It is true that characteristics of the interviewers and participants (e.g. age and class) as well as the interview setting can have an effect on rapport and shape how people respond to questions. For example, many participants in this study referenced social scientific and philosophical literature in their narratives, which may have been encouraged by the interview context at the university and the fact that the first author is a publicly well-known researcher in Norway. We are unable to determine whether and to what degree the stories of participants were influenced by such factors. However, the similarity in participants' stories with research on mystical experiences broadly and relating to psychedelic use suggest positionality and setting had limited effect on participants' stories. Additionally, we are interested in the way participants narratively make sense of their experiences using psychedelics, rather than on factual recounting of their experiences. The study was approved by the ethical review board of Norwegian Social Science Data Service (NSD) on behalf of the Norwegian Data Protection Authority (project 445634). Participants gave their active informed consent. Identifying information (including geographical references, names of partners and friends) was removed and replaced with aliases.

CONCLUSION

Participants in our study perceived it as difficult to describe the experiences brought on by psychedelics, echoing the ineffability dimension typically described by previous scholars) but were clear that these experiences changed their lives for the better. Key aspects of their psychedelic experiences were transcendence of time and space, ego dissolution or death, and pronounced euphoria, phenomena that are described in the clinical literature as well. However, they also made great efforts in trying to explain to us what must be considered a 'mystical core' of what they had experienced. Their narratives when trying to do this, were ambiguous, and suggested on the one hand universal or generic dimensions of the mystical. At the same time, they were influenced by contemporary cultural streams and political preferences, or what may also be classified as typical macro level, cultural narratives. The general pattern of their experiences (from the ineffable quality, to the transcendence of time and space, to the mystical level) is consistent with decades of research on psychedelics. However, the specific nature of the stories they told, from analogies and metaphors to the details of their perceptions, can be interpreted in the light of these participants' cultural and political environments. Generally, they were preoccupied with ecology, climate crisis, plants and nature. They were worried about the physical transformation of nature. Such cultural beliefs certainly shaped their perceptions and descriptions of their mystical experiences. These larger narratives also shaped how they presented their personal narratives. They believed that these mystical experiences made them better people. They experienced a change in perceptions of their selves (and of others) that made them more connected with the larger world. A key controversy in the debates around mysticism is related to the question about whether the experiences have uniform characteristics, if there are 'pure' or 'unmediated' experiences). The feminist philosopher and theologian Graze Jantzen (1995) critically dissected the ways in which modern constructions of mysticism had 'privatized and domesticated' it, in particular the lack of investigating the possible connections to power and gender. She criticized the ways politics, materiality, embodiment and social ethics was neglected, claiming that mysticism is never essentially this or that, but rather 'a constantly shifting social construction' (p. 24). Philosopher Steven, in a similar vein, criticized the abstract essentialism of the postulated mystic, coining the academic fixation here as 'mystocentrism'. Thus, they positioned themselves in the tradition of Steven, arguing that there are no unmediated mystical experiences. In a previous study linking experiences with psychedelics to a contemporary cultural frame,, drawing on a sample of users of psychedelics from the United Kingdom and data from 2004, identified an overarching discourse of neoliberalism, described through keywords such as 'the right to exercise personal freedom' and 'economic citizens'. Here, use of magic mushrooms was an occasional leisure activity in a context of plentiful economic resources among people often participating in urban nightlife. The experiences of the contemporary Norwegian users of psychedelics differ from these findings. However, they echo a handful of studies, primarily from the United States, that show a link between the use of psychedelics and increased concern for nature and ecology. One should also note that during the first wave of use of psychedelics, the hippies were deeply engaged with nature and ecology. While previous research has shown connections between psychedelic research and connectedness with the environment, this is not the case for all who use these types of drugs. Psychedelics are also used among those who attend raves and other party settings. Those who use psychedelics solely in these party settings seldom speak of the mystical properties of use. They discuss similar effects (e.g. connectedness and ego dissolution) but not in the context of the mystical. Rather, they emphasize the bonding and connections among users. This suggests that the context of use may be important for how people interpret or make sense of their psychedelic experiences. In addition, our participants' experiences were surprisingly similar to those described in the classical literature on mysticism, pointing to the ineffability in describing them and the transcendence of time and place. However, we also noticed an ambiguity. On the one hand, participants described the classical identifiers of the mystical experience. They described experiencing 'awe' when meeting the roots of the universe and unity with a larger whole. At the same time, the way they described their experiences were highly coloured by their immediate surroundings (e.g. by their relations to family and partners). An even more striking feature was the strong link to the most important theme in the current political debate in Norway, with an increasing emphasis on climate, ecology, nature and plants. The participants did not draw on religious themes to make sense of their experiences. Rather, the largely non-religious group drew from secular themes relating to the environment and ecology and their place in this system to tell their stories. Such an understanding of the experiences of psychedelic use is consistent with current understandings of narrative identity theory. That is, while people are storytellers, we do not create stories from scratch. Instead, we draw on pre-existing themes and tropes to shape our stories. We take from the abstract, disembodied stories and integrate personal details to make them specific to our own experiences. Narratives and stories aid in explaining the ineffable, but they also do more. Stories allow us to make sense of our own experiences. As such, our findings show support for the mediated nature of mystical experiences and illustrates how narratives both explain and shape these experiences.

Study Details

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