MDMAMescaline

MDA, MDMA and other mescaline-like substances in the US military’s search for a truth drug (1940s to 1960s)

This review (2017) summarizes the history of the US military's attempt to operationalize psychotropic drugs, first scopolamine, and mescaline then later on MDMA and other derivatives, as a truth serum. These attempts were largely futile because scopolamine induced a delirium-like state of mind which raised doubt over the validity of the extracted information, whereas psychedelic substances produced excessive hallucinations, thought disturbance, and confusion, which hindered the interrogation process.

Authors

  • Benzenhöfer, U.
  • Passie, T.

Published

Drug Testing and Analysis
meta Study

Abstract

This article describes the context in which 3,4-methylenedioxyamphetamine (MDA), 3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA) and other mescaline-like compounds were explored as hallucinogens for military and intelligence purposes from the 1940s to the 1960s. Germans first tested mescaline as a “truth drug” in a military context. In the 1940s, the United States military started testing hallucinogenic substances as truth drugs for interrogation and behavior manipulation. After tests carried out using mescaline and other drugs in 1950, some derivatives of mescaline were synthesized by the Army for the exploration of possible “speech-inducing” effects. After insufficient animal testing, the substances were given to patients at the New York State Psychiatric Institute (NYSPI). 3,4-Methylenedioxy-N-ethylamphetamine (MDE), a compound almost identical to MDMA, was among the compounds delivered for testing at the NYSPI. During tests with other derivatives (3,4-dimethoxyphenethylamine (DMA), 3,4-methylenedioxyphenethylamine (MDPEA), MDA) in 1952-53, an unwitting patient died in these tests, which was kept secret from the public. Research was interrupted and toxicological animal testing procedures were initiated. The secret animal studies run in 1953/1954 revealed that some of the “mescaline derivatives” tested (e.g. MDA, MDE, DMA, 3,4,5-trimethoxyamphetamine (TMA), MDMA) were considered for further testing in humans. In 1955, the military changed focus to lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD), but some interest in mescaline-like compounds remained for their ability to change mood and habit without interfering with cognition and sensory perception. Based on the known documents, it remains unclear (but probable) whether any of the mescaline derivatives tested were being used operationally.

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Research Summary of 'MDA, MDMA and other mescaline-like substances in the US military’s search for a truth drug (1940s to 1960s)'

Introduction

Passie and colleagues situate their paper within a historiographical gap concerning the US military and intelligence services' experimental use of mescaline-like compounds (including TMA, MDA, MDE and MDMA) from the 1940s through the 1960s. Earlier work has documented experimentation with ‘‘truth drugs’’ such as scopolamine and mescaline, and a later focus on LSD, but relatively little detailed synthesis exists about the mescaline derivatives the US synthesised and tested for interrogation and behaviour‑manipulation purposes. The historical record is fragmented and partly secret, and the authors aim to assemble an overview from available documents, adding some previously unreported material where possible. The paper sets out to trace when and why these mescaline derivatives were produced and tested by US military and intelligence agencies, to describe the known laboratory and human experiments (including an account of a fatality at the New York State Psychiatric Institute), and to assess whether these compounds were ever used operationally. By reconstructing the chronology from German prehistory to postwar US programmes such as Project CHATTER and MKULTRA, the authors seek to clarify the rationale that guided interest in methylenedioxy and other mescaline‑like substances and to identify remaining uncertainties in the archival record.

Methods

The extracted text presents the work as a historical synthesis based on archival documents, contemporaneous reports and prior literature; however, it does not provide a formal methods section or a detailed search strategy. Passie and colleagues draw on a mixture of sources explicitly named in the narrative (for example, OSS and CIA memoranda, Army Chemical Corps records, NYSPI reports, the Army Inspector General report of 1975, and published experimental reports), but the selection criteria, databases or archives searched and the date coverage are not clearly reported in the extracted text. Where specific experimental or administrative records are discussed, the authors summarise content from animal toxicology reports, Edgewood Arsenal coding and correspondence, NYSPI clinical reports and legal/Inspector General findings. The approach is therefore a qualitative historical review that integrates primary and secondary materials into a chronological account rather than a systematic or quantitative meta‑analysis. Because the provenance and completeness of the source material are sometimes unclear or secret‑stamped, the authors periodically note where documentary gaps or redactions limit firm conclusions.

Results

The narrative reconstructs a multi‑decade sequence of interest in ‘‘truth drugs’’. Early 20th‑century clinicians observed that scopolamine and barbiturates could produce states of disinhibition; parallel research on mescaline in Germany and the USA documented hallucinatory states and occasional reports of increased talkativeness. German wartime (Nazi) interrogation experiments with mescaline and other drugs were intercepted or later reported, and these activities fuelled Allied postwar interest. From the 1940s US efforts to find an interrogation‑useful pharmacological agent intensified. The OSS established a Truth Drug Committee in 1943 and trialled mescaline, barbiturates and Cannabis indica with limited success. The Navy ran Project CHATTER (late 1940s–early 1950s), and the CIA launched programs that evolved from BLUEBIRD and ARTICHOKE into MKULTRA (approved 1953), with explicit objectives to develop chemical agents capable of producing a reversible, non‑toxic aberrant mental state for use in eliciting information and manipulation. The Army Chemical Corps synthesised a series of mescaline derivatives (Edgewood Arsenal code numbers EA‑1304 to EA‑1322 are mentioned) and in November 1952 delivered several compounds to the New York State Psychiatric Institute (NYSPI) for human testing: MDPEA, MDA, MDE, DMA and DMMA among them. The extracted text emphasises that prior animal testing was minimal and limited to short LD50 determinations in mice, yet NYSPI investigators began human injections within a month of receipt. A central and detailed result reported is the death of Harold Blauer, a NYSPI patient treated for depression. Between December 1952 and January 1953 Blauer received a sequence of injections of mescaline derivatives; on 8 January 1953 he was given a fatal 450 mg injection of MDA. He developed tremor, seizure activity and coma and died despite resuscitative efforts. Official reports recorded an ‘‘unusual reaction’’ causing a coronary event; later investigations and legal review criticised inadequate animal toxicity testing and dosing decisions. A settlement of $18,000 was later paid to Blauer’s family. The authors describe subsequent secrecy around files, instructions to suppress disclosure, and the withholding of the fatality in NYSPI reports to the Chemical Corps. Following the Blauer fatality, the Army initiated more extensive animal toxicology studies (University of Michigan and related work). Behavioural and toxicity testing across species (mice, rats, guinea pigs, dogs and monkeys) found that methylenedioxy ring‑substituted compounds (MDA, MDOM, MDE, MDMA) showed higher toxicity compared with some other analogues; dogs were judged a more sensitive species for detecting hallucinogenic behavioural effects than rodents or monkeys. Structure–activity observations reported included decreased potency when the 5‑methoxy group was removed or by N‑demethylation, and increased potency after alpha‑substitution or introduction of a 3,4‑methylenedioxy group. Despite continuing secret work at NYSPI and other laboratories through the 1950s, the extracted text indicates a shift in official interest toward LSD because of its potency, and physical properties that favoured covert dissemination. LSD was used operationally in some circumstances in the mid‑1950s, but field and clinical experience made clear that information obtained under LSD and similar drugs was unreliable and that the drugs often induced severe anxiety, confusion or ‘‘freak‑outs’’. By the early 1960s interest in pharmacological ‘‘truth drugs’’ waned and interrogation paradigms shifted toward behavioural methods. The authors report that, while some methylenedioxy compounds were considered promising because they purportedly altered mood and reduced defences without grossly disrupting cognition, the archival record does not clearly show whether any of these derivatives were widely deployed operationally; some CIA staff stated ‘‘some concrete results’’ and the development of six products with limited operational use, but many relevant files were destroyed in 1960 and 1973, leaving the extent of field use uncertain.

Discussion

Passie and colleagues interpret the assembled records as showing a recurrent pattern: serendipitous clinical observations prompted systematic interest in ‘‘truth drugs’’, but practical and ethical problems repeatedly curtailed operational adoption. Scopolamine and sedatives were rejected because they produced delirium, heavy sedation and impaired speech; mescaline and peyote induced distracting hallucinations. Early enthusiasm for LSD derived from its potency and physical characteristics, yet LSD likewise proved unreliable for eliciting valid information and caused severe adverse psychological reactions in some recipients. The authors characterise the Army’s mid‑century strategy as an effort to identify mescaline derivatives that would be potent enough for covert delivery, reduce unwanted hallucinatory effects, exert predictable effects across individuals and produce euphoria without subsequent ‘‘let‑down’’. Methylenedioxy compounds emerged as candidates because they seemed to lower anxiety and defensiveness while leaving cognition relatively intact, but animal toxicology flagged varying toxicity and the Blauer fatality highlighted the risks of inadequate preclinical testing and covert human experimentation. Key limitations the authors acknowledge are the fragmentary and often secret nature of archival material, incomplete documentation of post‑1953 NYSPI work, and the destruction or redaction of many CIA and military files, which prevents definitive statements about operational deployment. They note that while some internal CIA statements claim limited operational use of developed products, the available documents do not permit a clear reconstruction of which mescaline derivatives, if any, were used in the field. Finally, the authors place the historical arc in context: by the early 1960s pharmacological approaches to interrogation had largely been abandoned in favour of behavioural methods, reflecting accumulated evidence that tested drugs failed to meet the military’s stated operational criteria and presented unacceptable safety and validity problems. The discussion reiterates that uncertainty about the later human testing and operational use of mescaline derivatives remains because of secrecy and destroyed records.

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INTRODUCTION

This article provides an outline of the history about how some "mescaline derivatives" such as 3,4,5-trimethoxyamphetamine (TMA), 3,4methylenedioxyamphetamine (MDA), 3,4-methylenedioxy-N-ethylamphetamine (MDE) and 3,4-methylenedioxymethamphetamine (MDMA) were synthesized and experimented with by the military. These mescaline derivatives were not researched as psychochemicals for mass intoxications in "unconventional warfare" 1 as was LSD. It appears that these compounds were researched in order to inform United States (US) military in particular about drug-assisted interrrogation and behavior manipulation since the late 1940s. Notably only a few aspects of the research on mescaline derivatives by the U.S. military are present in the literature. We present an overview, including some new material.

EARLY "TRUTH DRUG" RESEARCH

The beginning of truth drug research can be traced back to the American physican Robert House. House attended childbirth in 1916. The mother in labour was under the influence of scopolamine, a substance given in addition to morphine to assist with pain management and anxiety. During the birth process, House asked the father about the baby scale, a question to which the father did not know the answer. But surprisingly the mother, while being in a twilight state of consciousness, gave instructions where the scale could be found. House's further experiments revealed that individuals under the influence of scopolamine -'during states of decreased willpower'generally could not withhold secrets, thus, making scopolamine a powerful "truth serum". Since the beginning of the 20th Century, comprehensive research was conducted in Germany on the hallucinogen 3,4,5-trimethoxyphenethylamine (mescaline). German psychiatrist Kurt Beringer in his seminal monograph on "the mescaline inebriation", stated that "... the patient has the inclination to reveal otherwise hidden secrets, to express himself in an unbridled way ". In 1931 a report titled "confessions during mescaline inebriation" was published by the Italian psychoanalyst Baroni. In 1936, British psychiatrist John Stephen Horsley reported trials with the sedative drug nembutal (a barbiturate). According to Horsley, through a weakening of cortical functions by the barbiturate, a "psychical disinhibition" was induced, accompanied by decreased cognition and enhanced suggestibility. Horsley suggested that these effects could be utilised for military use to extract information from unwilling subjects. Research into mescaline and its derivatives in the USA before the World War II Since the 1920s, the American neurologist Heinrich Klüver and pharmacologist Gordon A. Alles were interested in mescaline. Klüver's research on mescaline carried out during the 1920s focused on the "mechanisms of hallucination" 13 (p. 100),

SECTION

. He noted that during the mescaline inebriation that "the ability to organize and to abstract material is lost; the determining tendiencies suffer. To concentrate on something for a long while becomes impossible". During the 1930s, Klüver evaluated the synthetic mescaline derivatives 3,4-dimethoxyamphetamine (DMA), 3,4-dimethoxyphenethylamine (DMPEA), alpha-methylphenethylamine and MDA in animals. All four substances became part of military research later. The research of Alles focused on the derivatives of adrenaline and amphetamine. Alles discovered the psychophysiological effects of amphetamine in 1927 while studying derivatives of adrenaline. After accidentally ingesting a higher dose of MDA (126 mg p.o.)in 1934, he provided the first description of its psychoactive effects. Afterwards he became interested in mescaline derivatives. In 1937, Alles synthesized TMA, another analog of mescaline. He compared its effects to amphetamine in animals and in self-experiments, and found it to have quite different effects (e.g. paranoid thought distortions, restlessness and anxiety) compared to MDA. Since 1937, Alles studied mescaline and some methylenedioxy ring-substituted compounds (including MDA) in mice, rats and humans,, partially in collaboration with Klüver. Results of these studies were published much later, but without reference to MDA, presumably to prevent publicity for information potentially useful to the military.

NAZI RESEARCH ON TRUTH DRUGS

The first hint at the use of mescaline in interrogation came from an intercepted telecommunication recieved by British intelligence on July 24, 1942. In this message, a Schutzstaffel (SS)-Führer of Dnjepropetrowsk, a town in the Ukraine, requested the delivery of 50 grams mescaline for interrogation purposes from the medical headquarters of the SS in Berlin, because "experiments to date of injecting parachutists with scopolamine were successful. Therefore experiments with mescaline are to be undertaken, since these injections produce an enhanced effect through intoxication" quoted in ref.. Since 1943, German military physicans working at the concentration camps Dachau and Auschwitz experimented with barbiturates, morphine derivatives and mescaline for interrogation purposes . It seems improbable that these experiments were known to the allies during World War II. However, the experiments at Dachau are mentioned in a report of the US Naval Technical Mission, which after the end of the war worked on collecting useful scientific knowledge gained by the Nazis 18 , and triggered the interest of the US military about mescaline and other substances as truth drugs.

RESEARCH ON TRUTH DRUGS BY THE US MILITARY BEGINNING IN THE 1940S

It appears that the first trials of the US military to use drugs in interrogation reach back to 1941, when US Army General George V. Strong asked the National Defense Research Council to devise an effective way to use drugs for extracting information from captured German U-boat officers. The Office of Strategic Services (OSS) scientists informed him that trials run in December 1941 had failed. On October 31, 1942, the US National Research Council of the US Army reported that the Russians and Germans were using "truth drugs" for interrogation purposes. In response, the OSS, a predecessor of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), set up a "Truth Drug Committee" in spring of 1943 under Dr. Winfred Overholser. In the same year, mescaline was tested in a Philadelphia hospital. Three OSS officers volunteered, but "... the experiment was a dismal failure. None of the three man had given up any information..." 4 (p. 219) and. After more experiments (with mescaline, barbiturates, scopolamine), Cannabis indica was found promising and used for further tests 3 (p. 6-7), 5 (p.. Although their experiments failed for the most part, the researcher established a number of criteria for their drug of choice: "(1) It must be adminstered without the subject's knowledge. (2) It must induce a talkative mood and, if possible, a full exposure of the truth, as the subject knew the truth. (3) It must not be habit-forming or physiologically harmful; and (4) It must leave no remembrance or suspicion of any kind" quoted in ref.. At a routine scientific staff meeting at Edgewood Arenal in 1946, one physician who had just returned from Germany from interrogations of captured Nazi scientists "remarked that he had been surprised to learn that the Germans [had] conducted what appeared to be elaborate human experiments [on concentration camp prisoners] using hallucinogenic drugs ... including mescaline and various compounds drawn from ergot" quoted in ref.. Subsequently, in 1947, the US Navy started project CHATTER, a "drug testing program", claimed to be a reaction to the presumed successes of the Soviet's uses of truth drugs and behavior manipulation 19, 20 . CHATTER included animal and human studies with scopolamine, mescaline and LSD. Some results were published in the 1950s.

CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY (CIA)-RESEARCH ON TRUTH DRUGS

The prominent Ungarian Cardinal Mindszenty, known for his oppostion to the Communist regime was arrested in 1948 and put on trial in 1949. During the trial Mindszenty looked absent-minded, showed "robotic movements" and confessed to crimes he had never committed. The Americans presumed a certain method of "behavior manipulation". On June 14, 1949, immediately after the trial, the then CIA Deputy Director for Plans, Allen Dulles, put a team of experts together "[to] apply special methods of interrogation for the purpose of evaluation of russian practices" quoted in ref.. Through this order, U.S. research on mind control and manipulation increased its intensity. Another shock for the U.S. public came in 1950, when US prisoners of war captured in Korea claimed (spiked with communist rethorics) that the US had used biological weapons in Korea. CIA officials concluded that certain measures of behaviour manipulation had been used on them. Since this time, it became a top priority to know more about techniques used for behavior manipulation and interrogation. On April 20, 1950, CIA Director Roscoe Hillenkoetter authorized Projekt BLUEBIRD, with the following goals: . In November 1950, a BLUEBIRD memorandum stated that experiments should be conducted with "the surreptitious oral application of drugs on unwilling subjects for speech inducement purposes'" quoted in ref.. At a CIA-initiated meeting on July 23, 1951, the intelligence divisions of Army, Navy, Air Force and the Federal Bureau of Investigations (FBI), came together to explore the possiblility of mutual coordination of mind-control research. Except for the FBI, all agreed to cooperate in a joint program. In August 1952, the Office of Naval Intelligence informed the CIA that the project CHATTER developed a truth drug treatment with the desired characteristics. In September 1952, under Operation CASTIGATE, drugs were administered to eight Soviet defectors at Camp King, an US interrogation center located near Frankfurt/Main, Germany. The trials used alternating injections of sodium penthotal, methamphetamine and also tetrahydrocannabinol (THC). However, the trials were unsuccessful and project CHATTER was terminated in 1953. On April 13, 1953, the CIA authorized Project MKULTRA, an ‚umbrella project' on mind control, which included all BLUEBIRD/ARTICHOKE projects and additional research "... on radiation, electroshock, various fields of psychology, psychiatry, sociology, and anthropology, graphology and paramiltary devices and materials'". According to its principal architect, CIA Director Richard Helms, the main parts of MKULTRA were designed to "... investigate the development of a chemical material which causes a reversible non-toxic aberrant mental state ... This material could potentially aid in discrediting individuals, eliciting information, and implanting suggestions and other forms of mental control' quoted in 2 (p. 132) .

DRUG RESEARCH AT THE NEW YORK STATE PSYCHIATRIC INSTITUTE (NYSPI)

Since at least 1950, some psychochemical substances, including derivatives of mescaline (cf. Figureand for protection against them" quoted in ref.. >> Insert Figurehere The Edgewood Arsenal coding with the consecutive numbers EA-1304 to EA-1322 (cf. Figureand Table) suggests that most mescaline derivatives were synthesized consecutively during years 1950-52 Beecher quoted in ref.. If this was true, then the numbering of MDMA, LSD and 3-methoxy-4,5methylenedioxyamphetamine (MMDA) suggests that these substances might have been synthesized a while later.

>> INSERT TABLE 1 HERE

In November 1952, the Army Chemical Corps delivered the following substances to the NYSPI for human tests: MDPEA, MDA, MDE, DMA and 2,5-dimethoxy-Nmethylamphetamine (DMMA) (Table). None of these had been previously tested in humans. Animal testing was grossly deficient. "The five ... compounds were tested only on mice, for less than one month and only to determine the LD (lethal dose) 50 ...". Nevertheless, "within a month of recieving the drugs, NYSPI experimenters began injecting them into patients" 33 quoted in ref.

THE DEATH OF HAROLD BLAUER

The tennis professional Harold Blauer was a patient suffering from depression and since December 1953 attended the NYSPI for psychiatric/psychotherapeutic treatment. This treatment modality was intended to be made more effective by the administration of hallucinogenic drugs. On December 11, 1952, the treatments involved administration of low dose MDA, then DMA, then MDPEA, then DMA and concluded with a very high dose of MDA (cf. Table). Before the fourth injection of DMA, Blauer requested to withdraw because of he experienced terrible hallucinations from those injections. Nevertheless, on Dezember 30, 1952, he received an injection of DMA, which resulted in a strong body tremor. On January 8, 1953 at 9.53 a.m., Blauer was injected with a fatal dose of 450 mg MDA. Immediately after injection, Blauer developed a state of high arousal, tremor and sweating, and experienced an epileptic seizure, extensive movements of the limbs and finally coma. "Oxygen was administered, as was glucose, sodium amytal and artifical respiration", but proximatively 30 minutes later, Blauer was dead. The death certificate recited that "a chemical compound had activated a previously unknown heart condition, causing a fatal coronary attack". The official version was that Blauer died from an "unsusual reaction" to a medication he recieved during the treatment at the NYSPI. According to the Inspector General report of 1975, without appropriate knowledge of MDA's toxicity, "dosage levels were set not by research on toxicity, but by guess" 33 quoted in ref.. >> Insert Tablehere On the same day as Blauer, another patient was injected with MDA. She was given 150 mg instead of the planned 450 mg dose of MDA, because her reaction to MDA "... was so violent that the injection was stopped when it was only one-third complete".. Therefore he advised to implement safety measures to continue with experiments. The Army Chemical Corps renewed the contracts with the NYSPI in 1953. The adminstrators of the Army were eager to keep the involvement of the Army in these experiments and the Blauer case secret "to protect national security". Marazzi instructed the Medical Examiner to not disclose any details of Blauer's death. All related files were stamped "secret" and transferred to Marazzi's safe at Edgewood Arsenal 31 (p. 5),. None of the eight NYSPI reports to the Chemical Corps referred to the Blauer fatality. When pressure from Blauer's family intensified, officials of the U.S. Justice Department responded that secret contracts could not be revealed under any circumstances. The same officials suggested that the NYSPI should falsly state "that mescaline derivatives had been coming into general use for the diagnosis and therapy of mental patients" quoted in ref. 4 (p. 164) . At last, the trial was avoided by paying an amount of $18,000 to Blauer's relatives. In 1975, the Inspector General of the Army led an official examination of Blauer's death. This report is still partially secret, but "... suggests by implication that although Army testing was woefully inadequate, primary blame for Blauer's death must rest with the psychiatric experimenters at NYPSI". This suggests that Blauer was administered with an accidental overdose (possibly caused by the steep dose escalation scheme as mentioned in Table). A subsequent evaluation by the judges examining the case concluded, that "if the Chemical Corps had not been negligent in performing its LD-50 tests on mice, then the information … would have been enough for Dr. Hoch to know that the dose of 6.47mg/kg of EA-1298 that killed Harold Blauer was dangerously high. Therefore, the Chemical Corps's negligence in producing the toxicity tests was a proximate cause of Blauer's death".

THE ANIMAL TOXICOLOGY STUDIES AT THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN

Less than a month after Blauer's death, on February 4, 1953, Hoch and Cattell met again with Edgewood's Special Operations Division (SOD) officers at the NYPSI. It was decided to continue the drug experiments, and "to regain safety, the materials used should be tested in animal studies for their toxicity" 33 (p. 7-8) quoted in ref. with cocaine and mescaline. He was a consultant to the Army Medical Laboratories in a survey of substances "... of immediate interest: the mescaline series, the lysergic acid diethylamide and the marijuana series" quoted in ref.. It is worth mentioning that Seevers had already intended to do (or did) research on derivatives of mescaline. This is suggested by a publication on mescaline, where he acknowledges "... the furnishing of several synthetic mescaline derivatives" by the Swiss pharmaceutical company Hoffman-La Roche for their experiments. However, data of such experiments were never published. Behavioral parameters and toxicity were evaluated in five animal species (mice, rats, guinea pigs, dog and monkeys) and compared to mescaline. The seven compounds produced comparable physiological and behavioral effects in the animals, but demonstrated quite different toxicity, with the methylenedioxy ring-substituted compounds (MDA, MDOM, MDE and MDMA) being the most toxic (cf. Table). An important conclusion from these studies was that the dog was a much more reliable animal to detect hallucinogenic effects than rodents or monkeys. Dogs showed a specific behavioral difference under the influence of mescaline-like hallucinogens, which was virtually undetectable in monkeys. >> Insert Tablehere The data from animals testing were considered interesting, but "... do not permit satisfactory prediction of the pharmacologic actions of these agents in man". Therefore, the authors hoped that the "... extensive data contained in this report provide a base for further studies in man", which suggests that further testing in humans was intended. In relation to structure-activity relationships the authors concluded: "modifications in the mescaline structure which alter pharmacologic activity include: decreased potency following removal of the 5-methoxy group or Ndemethylation, and increased potency following alpha-substitution on the side chain or introduction of the 3,4-methylenedioxy group". All methylenedioxy compounds were more toxic than MDA. The military researchers may have tried to avoid substances that were more toxic than MDA, which had already caused an unpredicted death.

FURTHER RESEARCH ON TRUTH DRUGS IN THE 1950S BY THE MILITARY AND THE CIA

Since 1952, the CIA's MKULTRA-program on behavior manipulation through drugs focused more on lysergic acid diethylamide (LSD). This substance is active at minute doses (1/10,000 of a gram), colorless, tasteless and odorless. In view of this, LSD seemed to offer advantages for adminstration to unwitting subjects or as an aerosol to be sprayed over wide areas or filled into water reservoirs. As Dr. Gerald Yonetz of the Army's Edgewood Arsenal stated in1953: "There was a long, long list of drugs.... but somebody high up the ladder became enthralled with LSD and for a while everything else took a back seat" quoted in ref.. The secret work for the Army at the NYSPI continued after the death of Blauer and lasted throughout the 1950s. According to participating researcher Sidney Malitz, one focus was to determine if "a particular personality type mght 'break' more rapidly under a drug stress than another type" during military interrogations quoted in ref.. It is not clear whether this research included mescaline derivatives, because no documents on the post-1953 research at the NYSPI are known. During the mid-1950s, Clark and Beecher tested 20 paid volunteers to withhold information from an interviewer under the influence of drugs. The experimental subjects were dosed with thiopental, atropine, amphetamine, methamphetamine, sodium amobarbital, alcohol, scopolamine, pentobarbital, morphine, caffeine and mescaline. The drugs were sometimes administered in such high amounts that the subjects became semi-comatose, delirant, developed panic or became talkative and euphoric. Notably, no subject experienced "sufficient ego impairment" to not identify the significance of questions about the suppressed information, and no secret information was revealed. During the years 1954/55, a few "Psychochemical conferences" were organized by Marazzi at Edgewood Arsenal, which had, among others, Hoch, Abramson and Seevers as participants. The first conference was opened by Marazzi stating "it is perfectly obvious that the military objective is to produce ... mental incapacitation with ... the drain it places upon the military resources of a great number of people. Obviously such an objective might be accomplished in large groups or small groups or even in single individuals" quoted in ref.. In the mid-1950s, other studies on mescaline and its derivatives were conducted under secret military contracts. Robert G. Heath, Chairman and Professor of the Dept. of Neurology and Psychiatry at Tulane University and heavily involved with the CIA's research in mind control, implanted six patients with subcortical electrodes and gave them mescaline and LSD to study their EEGs and behavior. A major finding was identification of a specific subcortical paroxysmal activity caused by LSD and mescaline, which occurred in every patient. This finding provided a foundation for the later studies of Californian pharmacologist Gordon A. Fairchild. Subsequently, he "... submitted about 10 grams each of the salts of four 3,4-methylenedioxy-amphetamine derivatives to the Directorate of Medical Research, Army Medical Center". His further statement that the "preliminary animal work on toxicity and relative motor activity in man was to be the responsibility of the Directorate of Medical Research"implies that these compounds were intended for human testing. The fact that only two methylenedioxy compounds (MDA and MMDA)were used in Alles's later tests, suggests that other methylenedioxy compounds were not researched further. Beside the well-known MDA, Alles had demonstrated that his newly synthesized methylenedioxy compound MMDA (3methoxy-4,5-methylenedioxyphenylethylamine), was four times less toxic than MDA, MDMA or MDE (Table). In his further experiments, cats were implanted with subcortical EEG electrodes. In contrast to amphetamine, all hallucinogenic compounds produced the expected high-amplitude, low-frequency activity with hypersynchronous wave forms in the EEG. This indicates, that "there is a gross correlation betwen the ability of these compounds to produce hypersynchronous bursting activity in the brain of the cat and their hallucinogenic potency in man". In the "Final Report" to the Army on these experiments, Alles expressed some disappointment: "it was hoped that another small, closely related series of compounds, whose potency ... in experimental animals has been investigated by us, would also have been valuated by the Army Chemical Center for their hallucinogenic activty in man. This goal failed of any notable achivement". It is unknown whether the U.S. military did any further research into the derivatives of mescaline later than this. However, British military researchers were using Alles's procedures for testing a lot of hallucinogenic phenylalkylamines during the 1970-74 timeframe.

DISCUSSION

Research on "truth drugs" commenced in the early 1920s. It was intitated by chance findings rather than a result of goal-directed research. Substances first to be selected first as truth drugs were scopolamine and mescaline. Scopolamine was discarded because it induced a delirium-like state of mind with disorientation, mental confusion, disordered thinking and clouding of consciousness (plus a very dry mouth, which hinders speaking). Similiar problems appear to be relevant for sedating substances like the barbiturates (e.g. sodium amytal), which inhibit cortical activity and suppress ego-control over speech and withholding of information. In comparison to scopolamine, sodium amytal induces a milder clouding of consciousness and disorientation, but still produced extracted information of questionable validity. The research on mescaline and its derivatives took another turn. After experimenting with mescaline in 1943, the OSS "... rejected it because it produced these 'hallucinations' that got in the way, that made things more confusing, in this process of eliciting information". After first testing LSD for the purpose of interrogation in 1952, "reports seemed promising. In one instance LSD was given to an officer who had been instructed not to reveal 'a significant military secret' [but when questioned] he gave all the details of the secret ...". Therefore, the military researchers thought like "we've got the truth drug". Since at least 1955, LSD was used operationally for interrogations 26 (p. 94) . After their initial euphoria, the researchers realized the same problem the OSS had with peyote, a mescaline-containing cactus: excessive hallucinations, thought disturbance, and confusion. Especially in the crude contexts in which LSD was adminstered, it produced a lot of "freak-outs", which hindered the process of interrogation. A CIA review on LSD use in interrogation concluded that "medical research has established that information obtained through the use of these drugs is unreliable and invalid". As a consequence, the use of LSD for interrogation was stopped in 1966. Starting around 1950, the Army synthesized mescaline-like compounds to minimize these "counter-productive" effects of mescaline. They had four main goals: "1. To raise the potency of the compounds for easy delivery by covert means; 2. To alter psychological functioning more specifically, i.e. minimizing some of mescaline's effects; 3. To develop drugs with effects "... which can be reasonably well predicted for each individual" 26 (p. 79) ; 4. To produce "Substances which will produce 'pure' euphoria with no subsequent let-down", as stated in a 1955 CIA document. In comparison to LSD and mescaline, the methylenedioxy compounds were a useful starting point for the devlopment of such drugs. These compounds were virtually devoid of hallucinogenic activity and left subjects with widely intact cognition. Nevertheless, the impact of their bundled effects could make a subject more vulnerable, unstable and cooperative by lowering anxiety, defensiveness and self-control. This fitted into the conclusion of a review on "The use of drugs in interrogation" that "... some drugs lower conscious ego control, thereby facilitating recall of repressed material and increasing the difficulty of withholding available information. The ideal drug for an interrogator would be one which not only accomplishes this feat, but does so without interfering with integrative capacities and intellectual functioning". Research at the NYSPI on "antagonizing" mescaline's and LSD's effects had revealed that a stimulant like methamphetamine (given during the LSD intoxication) improved "reality contact", attenuated "autism" and made the subjects more present ("more here"). By implication, this favored research into the borderland between mescaline and amphetamine, which could be seen in the methylenedioxy compounds. Consquently, Alles synthesized and tested new methylenedioxy compounds since the mid-1950s and came up with the less toxic compound MMDA. The fact that the animal studies initiated after the death of Harold Blauer at the NYSPI included four methylenedioxy compounds also suggests a specific interest in this type of compounds. That some mescaline derivatives were tested further in humans is suggested by the continuation of the Army's contracts with the NYPSI, but no documentation exists. It is unknown whether any of the tested mescaline derivatives ever reached operational use (as did LSD). But it was stated clearly, that the "final testing phase of MKULTRA substances ... on unwitting subjects is recognized to be an activity of genuine importance in the development of ... MKULTRA products" 27 . According to CIA Deputy Director of Support, Lyman B. Kirkpatrick, the CIA's Technical Services Staff (TSS) had reached "some concrete results" and noted that "six specfic products" had been developed for operational use. Three had been applied operationally on six occasions with 33 subjects. The extent of field use (and which substances were used) will probably never become clear, because virtually all files on "operative use of mind manipulation techniques" related to projects ARTICHOKE and MKULTRA (1951 to 1955 timeframe) were ordered for destruction in 1960and in 1973 (1953-1964 timeframe). In view of the facts mentioned above, it remains unclear why the research on the mescaline derivatives ceased. The unpredicted death of Blauer might have been one reason. However, the investigation of mescaline derivatives proceeded, but as it appears, without any further testing in humans. What may have triggered further research in the methylenedioxy compounds was the search for compounds with more predictable and specific effect profiles. A significant contextual reason for leaving the research on mescaline derivatives may have been that LSD, with its specific physical properties, appeared to have indicated a larger potential for military and intelligence purposes. However, it was found early on that reactions to LSD did not have sufficient predictability and that it induced severe anxiety and egodisintegration, and that it could not be used for interrogation or other operational purposes. This may have favored again the search for drugs with less hallucinatory and disturbing mental effects. Alles's above mentioned expectation about further testing of mescaline derivatives in humans in the early 1960s points in this direction. Nonetheless, a decreasing interest in the search for drugs potentially useful for interrogation purposes emerged in the early 1960s, presumably reflecting the recognition that all drugs tested had failed as truth drugs. Consequently, "by the early 1960s, ... the CIA finalized an interrogation paradigm based on behavioral methods, not drugs ...".

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